Isuf B.Bajrami<\/p>\n
\u201cBota Serbe\u201d, rrjetet politike dhe lufta informative n\u00eb Ballkan<\/p>\n
N\u00eb vitet e fundit, Maqedonia e Veriut \u00ebsht\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb nj\u00eb nga hap\u00ebsirat m\u00eb t\u00eb ndjeshme t\u00eb p\u00ebrplasjes politike dhe gjeostrategjike n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor.<\/p>\n
Nd\u00ebrsa vendi mbetet formalisht i orientuar drejt integrimit euro-atlantik dhe an\u00ebtar i NATO-s, zhvillimet e fundit politike tregojn\u00eb se ndikimet rajonale, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ato q\u00eb vijn\u00eb nga Serbia, po marrin dimension gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb duksh\u00ebm.[1]<\/p>\n
Akuzat e fundit t\u00eb Lidhjes Socialdemokrate t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb ndaj VMRO-DPMNE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr organizim t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb presidentit serb Aleksandar Vu\u00e7iq paraqesin shum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr sesa nj\u00eb konflikt t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm nd\u00ebrpartiak. N\u00eb thelb, ato reflektojn\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrplasje mbi orientimin strategjik t\u00eb vet\u00eb shtetit maqedonas: integrim i plot\u00eb n\u00eb strukturat euro-atlantike apo afrimi gradual me boshtin politik Beograd\u2013Budapest.[2]<\/p>\n
Sipas opozit\u00ebs maqedonase, organizimi i qytetar\u00ebve nga Maqedonia e Veriut p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebmarrje n\u00eb tubime politike n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb Vu\u00e7iqit d\u00ebshmon ekzistenc\u00ebn e nj\u00eb rrjeti ndikimi politik dhe ideologjik t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nga Serbia n\u00eb rajon.[3] P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, LSDM p\u00ebrdor termin \u201cBota Serbe\u201d, nj\u00eb koncept q\u00eb vitet e fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb pjes\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme e debatit politik n\u00eb Ballkan.
\nKoncepti \u201cBota Serbe\u201d (\u201cSrpski svet\u201d) promovon iden\u00eb e bashk\u00ebrendimit politik, kulturor dhe strategjik t\u00eb serb\u00ebve n\u00eb rajon n\u00ebn ndikimin e Beogradit.[4]<\/p>\n
Zyrtarisht, mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit e k\u00ebtij koncepti pretendojn\u00eb se b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr ruajtje t\u00eb identitetit komb\u00ebtar dhe forcim t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit kulturor. Megjithat\u00eb, kritik\u00ebt argumentojn\u00eb se ky projekt p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb zgjerimit t\u00eb ndikimit politik serb n\u00eb shtetet fqinje, duke p\u00ebrdorur mekanizma joformal\u00eb t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb politike, mediatike dhe ekonomike.[5]<\/p>\n
N\u00eb praktik\u00eb, ndikimi serb n\u00eb Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut nuk manifestohet p\u00ebrmes nd\u00ebrhyrjes klasike shtet\u00ebrore, por p\u00ebrmes nd\u00ebrtimit gradual t\u00eb rrjeteve t\u00eb ndikimit.<\/p>\n
K\u00ebto rrjete funksionojn\u00eb n\u00eb disa nivele:
\n\u2013 p\u00ebrmes bashk\u00ebpunimit politik me parti dhe figura konservatore;
\n\u2013 p\u00ebrmes mediave dhe platformave informative;
\n\u2013 p\u00ebrmes organizatave kulturore dhe qytetare;
\n\u2013 dhe p\u00ebrmes bashk\u00ebpunimit ekonomik e institucional.[6]<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb nga instrumentet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb k\u00ebtij ndikimi mbetet fusha mediatike. Mediat me qend\u00ebr n\u00eb Beograd kan\u00eb dep\u00ebrtim t\u00eb konsideruesh\u00ebm n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn informative t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut.[7]<\/p>\n
P\u00ebrmes televizioneve, portaleve dhe rrjeteve sociale shp\u00ebrndahen narrativa q\u00eb:
\n\u2013 paraqesin Bashkimin Evropian si t\u00eb dob\u00ebt dhe jo t\u00eb besuesh\u00ebm;
\n\u2013 promovojn\u00eb skepticiz\u00ebm ndaj Per\u00ebndimit;
\n\u2013 forcojn\u00eb retorik\u00ebn nacionaliste dhe konservatore;
\n\u2013 dhe paraqesin Serbin\u00eb si faktor stabiliteti rajonal.[8]<\/p>\n
K\u00ebto narrativa jan\u00eb intensifikuar sidomos pas stagnimit t\u00eb procesit t\u00eb integrimit evropian t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut.<\/p>\n
Pas Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Presp\u00ebs dhe ndryshimit t\u00eb emrit kushtetues, qytetar\u00ebve iu premtua hapje m\u00eb e shpejt\u00eb e negociatave me Bashkimin Evropian.[9] Megjithat\u00eb, vetoja bullgare dhe zvarritjet politike n\u00eb Bruksel krijuan zhg\u00ebnjim t\u00eb madh publik dhe dob\u00ebsuan besimin tek projekti evropian.[10]<\/p>\n
N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb klim\u00eb frustrimi politik, Serbia ka arritur t\u00eb paraqitet si partner alternativ rajonal, duke promovuar bashk\u00ebpunim ekonomik dhe politik p\u00ebrmes nismave si \u201cBallkani i Hapur\u201d.[11]<\/p>\n
Kritik\u00ebt argumentojn\u00eb se p\u00ebrmes k\u00ebtyre iniciativave Beogradi synon t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb rol dominues n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor dhe t\u00eb zgjeroj\u00eb var\u00ebsin\u00eb politike dhe ekonomike t\u00eb vendeve m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla ndaj Serbis\u00eb.[12]<\/p>\n
Dimensioni tjet\u00ebr i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb lufta informative dhe ndikimi hibrid. Institucionet euro-atlantike kan\u00eb paralajm\u00ebruar se Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor mbetet nj\u00eb nga rajonet m\u00eb t\u00eb ekspozuara ndaj dezinformimit dhe operacioneve t\u00eb ndikimit strategjik.[13] N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, Serbia dhe Rusia shpesh p\u00ebrmenden si aktor\u00eb q\u00eb ndajn\u00eb interesa t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta n\u00eb dob\u00ebsimin e ndikimit per\u00ebndimor n\u00eb rajon.[14]<\/p>\n
Pas agresionit rus n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, lufta informative n\u00eb Ballkan \u00ebsht\u00eb intensifikuar ndjesh\u00ebm. N\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn mediatike rajonale jan\u00eb shtuar:
\n\u2013 narrativat anti-NATO;
\n\u2013 mesazhet kund\u00ebr liberalizmit per\u00ebndimor;
\n\u2013 glorifikimi i lidershipit autoritar;
\n\u2013 dhe propaganda q\u00eb promovon \u201cneutralitetin\u201d gjeopolitik t\u00eb Ballkanit.[15]<\/p>\n
N\u00eb Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut, opozita pretendon se disa prej k\u00ebtyre narrativave po dep\u00ebrtojn\u00eb edhe n\u00eb strukturat politike pran\u00eb qeveris\u00eb aktuale. Ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht p\u00ebrmendet roli i Ivan Stoilkoviqit dhe lidhjet e tij me qarqe politike n\u00eb Beograd.[16] P\u00ebr kritik\u00ebt, k\u00ebto marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie tregojn\u00eb se Serbia po nd\u00ebrton gradualisht ndikim t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb n\u00eb jet\u00ebn politike t\u00eb vendit.<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb zhvillim tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb nxiti reagime ishte pjes\u00ebmarrja e figurave politike serbe dhe e liderit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs S\u00ebrpska, Millorad Dodik, n\u00eb aktivitete publike n\u00eb Shkup.[17] P\u00ebr opozit\u00ebn maqedonase, k\u00ebto ngjarje nuk jan\u00eb incidente t\u00eb izoluara, por pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb strategjie m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb shtrirjes s\u00eb ndikimit politik dhe ideologjik serb n\u00eb rajon.
\nN\u00eb planin strategjik, Maqedonia e Veriut gjendet sot mes dy modeleve politike:
\n\u2013 modelit euro-atlantik, i bazuar mbi reforma demokratike, integrim evropian dhe pluraliz\u00ebm institucional;
\n\u2013 dhe modelit sovranist-konservator, i cili promovon centralizim politik, kontroll m\u00eb t\u00eb madh mbi mediat dhe lidhje m\u00eb t\u00eb ngushta rajonale me Beogradin dhe Budapestin.[18]<\/p>\n
Pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, debati mbi \u201cBot\u00ebn Serbe\u201d nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm debat mbi Serbin\u00eb. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb debat mbi drejtimin strategjik t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor dhe mbi aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e Bashkimit Evropian p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur ndikimin e tij n\u00eb rajon.<\/p>\n
Fusnotat:<\/p>\n
[1] Komisioni Evropian, \u201cNorth Macedonia Report 2024\u201d, PaketaFUSNOTA e Zgjerimit e Bashkimit Evropian, Bruksel, tetor 2024. Raporti analizon progresin e Maqedonis\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut n\u00eb sundimin e ligjit, reform\u00ebn n\u00eb administrat\u00eb, polarizimin politik dhe sfidat n\u00eb procesin e integrimit evropian.<\/p>\n
[2] Lidhja Socialdemokrate e Maqedonis\u00eb (LSDM), deklarat\u00eb publike mbi organizimin e qytetar\u00ebve p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebmarrje n\u00eb tubim pro-Aleksandar Vu\u00e7iqit n\u00eb Kumanov\u00eb dhe Beograd, maj 2026. Deklarata akuzon VMRO-DPMNE-n\u00eb p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebrendim politik me struktura n\u00eb Serbi dhe p\u00ebr promovim t\u00eb interesave t\u00eb huaja n\u00eb Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut.<\/p>\n
[3] Raportime t\u00eb mediave rajonale shqiptare dhe maqedonase mbi organizimin e qytetar\u00ebve drejt Beogradit p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebmarrje n\u00eb tubime politike n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb presidentit serb Aleksandar Vu\u00e7iq, maj 2026. N\u00eb raportime p\u00ebrmenden organizime nga Kumanova dhe struktura t\u00eb lidhura me komunitetin serb n\u00eb Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut.<\/p>\n
[4] Vuk Vuksanoviq, \u201cThe Serbian World: Political Vision or Regional Strategy?\u201d, LSE IDEAS \u2013 London School of Economics and Political Science, Lond\u00ebr, 2022. Autori analizon konceptin \u201cBota Serbe\u201d si platform\u00eb politike dhe identitare e Serbis\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor dhe ndikimin e tij n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet rajonale.<\/p>\n
[5] Parlamenti Evropian, \u201cResolution on Foreign Interference and Disinformation in the Western Balkans\u201d, Strasburg, 2023. Dokumenti trajton ndikimin e aktor\u00ebve t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Serbin\u00eb dhe Rusin\u00eb, si dhe p\u00ebrdorimin e rrjeteve mediatike dhe politike p\u00ebr zgjerim ndikimi.<\/p>\n
[6] Institute for Security Policy, \u201cSerbian Influence Networks in the Balkans\u201d, Beograd\/Bruksel, 2024. Studimi analizon rrjetet politike, ekonomike dhe mediatike t\u00eb lidhura me Serbin\u00eb n\u00eb shtetet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut, Malin e Zi dhe Bosnj\u00eb-Hercegovin\u00ebn.<\/p>\n
[7] Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN), \u201cMedia Influence and Information Ecosystems in the Western Balkans\u201d, 2024. Raporti trajton ndikimin e mediave serbe dhe t\u00eb rrjeteve informative rajonale n\u00eb form\u00ebsimin e opinionit publik n\u00eb Ballkan.<\/p>\n
[8] NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence, \u201cInformation Operations and Hybrid Threats in the Western Balkans\u201d, Riga, 2023. Studimi identifikon Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor si zon\u00eb t\u00eb ekspozuar ndaj operacioneve hibride, dezinformimit dhe ndikimit strategjik t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve rajonal\u00eb dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb.<\/p>\n
[9] \u201cFinal Agreement for the Settlement of the Differences as Described in the United Nations Security Council Resolutions 817 (1993) and 845 (1993)\u201d \u2013 Marr\u00ebveshja e Presp\u00ebs nd\u00ebrmjet Greqis\u00eb dhe Maqedonis\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut, e n\u00ebnshkruar m\u00eb 17 qershor 2018. Marr\u00ebveshja i hapi rrug\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit t\u00eb vendit n\u00eb NATO dhe procesit t\u00eb negociatave me Bashkimin Evropian.<\/p>\n
[10] K\u00ebshilli i Bashkimit Evropian, \u201cEnlargement Package and Council Conclusions on North Macedonia\u201d, Bruksel, 2023\u20132024. Dokumentet trajtojn\u00eb pengesat n\u00eb procesin negociues t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht kontestet historike dhe identitare me Bullgarin\u00eb.<\/p>\n
[11] Regional Cooperation Council, \u201cOpen Balkan Initiative Assessment Report\u201d, Sarajev\u00eb, 2024. Raporti analizon ndikimin ekonomik dhe politik t\u00eb nism\u00ebs \u201cBallkani i Hapur\u201d n\u00eb integrimin rajonal dhe rolin dominues t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb iniciativ\u00eb.<\/p>\n
[12] Florian Bieber, \u201cThe Rise of Authoritarianism in the Western Balkans\u201d, Palgrave Macmillan, Lond\u00ebr, 2020. Libri trajton rritjen e modeleve autoritare dhe t\u00eb demokracive joliberale n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb ndikimin e Serbis\u00eb dhe Hungaris\u00eb.<\/p>\n
[13] European External Action Service (EEAS), \u201cForeign Information Manipulation and Interference Threat Report\u201d, Bruksel, 2024. Raporti identifikon rritjen e manipulimit informativ dhe nd\u00ebrhyrjeve strategjike n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebrmes mediave, rrjeteve sociale dhe aktor\u00ebve politik\u00eb.<\/p>\n
[14] Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, \u201cRussia and Serbia in the Balkans: Strategic Influence and Regional Competition\u201d, Uashington DC, 2023. Studimi trajton bashk\u00ebpunimin strategjik nd\u00ebrmjet Serbis\u00eb dhe Rusis\u00eb dhe ndikimin e tyre n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor.<\/p>\n
[15] Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA), \u201cStrategic Narratives in Southeast Europe\u201d, Uashington DC, 2024. Raporti analizon narrativat anti-per\u00ebndimore, anti-NATO dhe populiste n\u00eb Ballkan dhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si ato p\u00ebrdoren p\u00ebr ndikim politik dhe ideologjik.<\/p>\n
[16] Raportime mediatike dhe analiza politike mbi aktivitetet e Ivan Stoilkoviqit, lider i Partis\u00eb Demokratike t\u00eb Serb\u00ebve n\u00eb Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut dhe z\u00ebvend\u00ebskryeminist\u00ebr p\u00ebr Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie Nd\u00ebrmjet Bashk\u00ebsive, 2025\u20132026. N\u00eb raportime trajtohen kontaktet e tij me struktura politike n\u00eb Beograd dhe aktivitetet rajonale t\u00eb komunitetit serb.<\/p>\n
[17] Raportime t\u00eb mediave rajonale mbi pjes\u00ebmarrjen e Millorad Dodikut n\u00eb aktivitete publike n\u00eb Shkup dhe lidhjet e tij me strukturat politike pro-serbe n\u00eb Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut, 2026. Dodik njihet p\u00ebr retorik\u00ebn e tij nacionaliste dhe p\u00ebr kund\u00ebrshtimin ndaj politikave euro-atlantike n\u00eb Bosnj\u00eb-Hercegovin\u00eb.<\/p>\n
[18] Freedom House, \u201cNations in Transit 2024: Democratic Backsliding in Central Europe and the Balkans\u201d, Uashington DC, 2024. Raporti analizon dob\u00ebsimin demokratik, kontrollin politik mbi institucionet dhe mediat, si dhe ndikimin e modeleve joliberale n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor.<\/p>\n
Vendi i Lek\u00ebs,23.05.2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Isuf B.Bajrami \u201cBota Serbe\u201d, rrjetet politike dhe lufta informative n\u00eb Ballkan N\u00eb vitet e fundit,…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":17250,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[10],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-17242","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-op-ed"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/17242","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=17242"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/17242\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":17251,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/17242\/revisions\/17251"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/17250"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=17242"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=17242"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=17242"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}