{"id":33175,"date":"2026-07-06T12:36:11","date_gmt":"2026-07-06T10:36:11","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/?p=33175"},"modified":"2026-07-06T12:36:11","modified_gmt":"2026-07-06T10:36:11","slug":"nje-njesi-zgjedhore-ne-rmv-kush-fiton-kush-humb-dhe-cfare-rrezikojne-shqiptaret","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/?p=33175","title":{"rendered":"Nj\u00eb nj\u00ebsi zgjedhore n\u00eb RMV: Kush fiton, kush humb dhe \u00e7far\u00eb rrezikojn\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt?"},"content":{"rendered":"

Shkruan:Nefail Emini<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut jan\u00eb intensifikuar diskutimet mbi reform\u00ebn zgjedhore, e cila pritet t\u00eb ket\u00eb ndikim t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb arkitektur\u00ebn politike t\u00eb vendit dhe, n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti, n\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimin parlamentar t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve. Nj\u00eb nga variantet m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrmendura n\u00eb debatet politike \u00ebsht\u00eb kalimi drejt nj\u00eb nj\u00ebsie t\u00eb vetme zgjedhore, nj\u00eb model q\u00eb konsiderohet nga disa aktor\u00eb politik\u00eb si m\u00eb proporcional, por q\u00eb nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht ngjall shqet\u00ebsime p\u00ebr rishp\u00ebrndarjen e mandateve.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto diskutime kan\u00eb prodhuar ndarje t\u00eb theksuara nd\u00ebrmjet subjekteve politike n\u00eb vend. Nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e tyre mb\u00ebshtesin modelin me tet\u00eb nj\u00ebsi zgjedhore, nd\u00ebrsa t\u00eb tjerat propozojn\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem me nj\u00eb nj\u00ebsi t\u00eb vetme zgjedhore, lista t\u00eb hapura dhe nj\u00eb prag zgjedhor prej 5 p\u00ebr qind. Debati mbetet i hapur dhe i ngarkuar politikisht, pasi prek drejtp\u00ebrdrejt balancat ekzistuese t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit.<\/p>\n

Aktualisht, Maqedonia e Veriut funksionon me nj\u00eb sistem proporcional t\u00eb ndar\u00eb n\u00eb gjasht\u00eb nj\u00ebsi zgjedhore, ku zgjidhen gjithsej 120 deputet\u00eb, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht nga 20 deputet\u00eb p\u00ebr secil\u00ebn nj\u00ebsi. Shp\u00ebrndarja e mandateve b\u00ebhet sipas formul\u00ebs s\u00eb D\u2019Hondt-it, e cila favorizon proporcionalitetin n\u00eb nivel nj\u00ebsie, por n\u00eb praktik\u00eb ndikon edhe n\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimin final t\u00eb partive.<\/p>\n

Me ndryshimet e Kodit Zgjedhor t\u00eb vitit 2009, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 gjasht\u00eb nj\u00ebsive zgjedhore brenda territorit t\u00eb vendit, u parashikuan edhe tri nj\u00ebsi zgjedhore p\u00ebr diaspor\u00ebn: Nj\u00ebsia Zgjedhore 7 q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin Evrop\u00ebn dhe Afrik\u00ebn, Nj\u00ebsia Zgjedhore 8 q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin Amerik\u00ebn Veriore dhe Jugore, si dhe Nj\u00ebsia Zgjedhore 9 q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin Australin\u00eb dhe Azin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Zgjedhjet parlamentare t\u00eb vitit 2024 dhe krahasimi mes dy modeleve zgjedhore<\/strong><\/p>\n

Zgjedhjet e fundit parlamentare n\u00eb Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut u mbajt\u00ebn n\u00eb maj t\u00eb vitit 2024, ku u regjistruan gjithsej 979.549 vota t\u00eb vlefshme.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse k\u00ebto vota shp\u00ebrndahen sipas subjekteve politike dhe simulohet nj\u00eb sistem me nj\u00eb nj\u00ebsi t\u00eb vetme zgjedhore, krahasuar me sistemin aktual me gjasht\u00eb nj\u00ebsi zgjedhore, rezultati do t\u00eb paraqitej si m\u00eb posht\u00eb:<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
Subjektet<\/td>\nVotat<\/td>\nMandatet 6 nj\u00ebsi<\/td>\nMandatete 1 nj\u00ebsi<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
VMRO-DPMNE<\/td>\n436.407<\/td>\n58<\/td>\n53-54<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
LSDM<\/td>\n154.447<\/td>\n18<\/td>\n18-19<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
FRONIT EVROPIAN<\/td>\n137.690<\/td>\n18<\/td>\n16-17<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
VLEN<\/td>\n106.937<\/td>\n14<\/td>\n13<\/p>\n

 <\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

LEVICA<\/td>\n68.637<\/td>\n6<\/td>\n8-9<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
ZNAM<\/td>\n56.232<\/td>\n6<\/td>\n7<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

 <\/p>\n

Nga ky simulim, rezulton se VMRO-DPMNE do t\u00eb humbiste 4 deri n\u00eb 5 mandate n\u00eb rast t\u00eb aplikimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb nj\u00ebsie t\u00eb vetme zgjedhore. LSDM do t\u00eb kishte nj\u00eb rritje t\u00eb leht\u00eb prej 1 mandati. Fronti Evropian do t\u00eb humbiste 1 deri n\u00eb 2 mandate, nd\u00ebrsa VLEN do t\u00eb humbiste 1 mandat. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, Levica do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitonte ndjesh\u00ebm me 2 deri n\u00eb 3 mandate shtes\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa ZNAM do t\u00eb fitonte 1 mandat m\u00eb shum\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ndikimi i modelit me nj\u00eb nj\u00ebsi zgjedhore n\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimin e shqiptar\u00ebve<\/strong><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb nga \u00e7\u00ebshtjet m\u00eb t\u00eb ndjeshme n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb debat \u00ebsht\u00eb ndikimi i reform\u00ebs zgjedhore n\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimin e komunitetit shqiptar n\u00eb Kuvend. Sipas t\u00eb dh\u00ebnave t\u00eb zgjedhjeve t\u00eb vitit 2024, subjektet politike shqiptare kan\u00eb fituar gjithsej 32 mandate n\u00eb sistemin aktual me gjasht\u00eb nj\u00ebsi zgjedhore.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse i nj\u00ebjti rezultat do t\u00eb p\u00ebrllogaritej n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem me nj\u00eb nj\u00ebsi t\u00eb vetme zgjedhore, numri i deputet\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb do t\u00eb reduktohej n\u00eb 29 ose 30, pra me nj\u00eb humbje prej 2 deri n\u00eb 3 mandatesh.<\/p>\n

Ky ndryshim lidhet kryesisht me konceptin e \u201cpragut natyror\u201d. N\u00eb sistemin aktual, nj\u00eb mandate mund t\u00eb sigurohet me rreth 7.000 deri n\u00eb 8.000 vota, q\u00eb n\u00eb praktik\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb prag efektiv prej rreth 5 p\u00ebr qind n\u00eb nivel nj\u00ebsie. Megjithat\u00eb, ndarja n\u00eb gjasht\u00eb nj\u00ebsi zgjedhore b\u00ebn q\u00eb partit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla t\u00eb mos arrijn\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrkthejn\u00eb votat e tyre n\u00eb mandate.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem me nj\u00eb nj\u00ebsi t\u00eb vetme zgjedhore, votat do t\u00eb grumbulloheshin n\u00eb nivel komb\u00ebtar, duke rritur proporcionalitetin e p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm t\u00eb sistemit dhe duke favorizuar subjektet m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla politike. Megjithat\u00eb, kjo do t\u00eb ndikonte edhe n\u00eb rishp\u00ebrndarjen e mandateve nd\u00ebrmjet partive m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe ato shqiptare si Fronti Evropian dhe VLEN.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr element me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrja n\u00eb votime. T\u00eb dh\u00ebnat e zgjedhjeve t\u00eb vitit 2024 tregojn\u00eb se dalja n\u00eb Nj\u00ebsin\u00eb Zgjedhore 6, ku p\u00ebrqendrohet nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e madhe e elektoratit shqiptar, \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e ul\u00ebt se n\u00eb Nj\u00ebsin\u00eb Zgjedhore 4. N\u00eb sistemin aktual, kjo diferenc\u00eb nuk ndikon n\u00eb ndarjen e mandateve, pasi \u00e7do nj\u00ebsi zgjedhore p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohet me 20 deputet\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem me nj\u00eb nj\u00ebsi zgjedhore, kjo diferenc\u00eb do t\u00eb kishte efekt t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb n\u00eb rezultatin p\u00ebrfundimtar, pasi votat do t\u00eb p\u00ebrllogariteshin n\u00eb nivel komb\u00ebtar. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, pjes\u00ebmarrja m\u00eb e ul\u00ebt n\u00eb zona t\u00eb caktuara do t\u00eb ndikonte n\u00eb uljen e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit parlamentar t\u00eb subjekteve shqiptare.<\/p>\n

Duke marr\u00eb parasysh struktur\u00ebn demografike t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut dhe karakterin multietnik t\u00eb saj, reforma zgjedhore mbetet nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb lart\u00eb politike dhe institucionale. Pavar\u00ebsisht modelit q\u00eb do t\u00eb zgjidhet, nj\u00eb nj\u00ebsi apo disa nj\u00ebsi zgjedhore, sfida kryesore mbetet garantimi i nj\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi sa m\u00eb proporcional dhe gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs n\u00eb Kuvend.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, partit\u00eb politike shqiptare p\u00ebrballen me nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koordinim m\u00eb t\u00eb madh dhe p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrimi t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb reforma zgjedhore t\u00eb mos cenoj\u00eb nivelin aktual t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit t\u00eb tyre politik.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Shkruan:Nefail Emini N\u00eb Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut jan\u00eb intensifikuar diskutimet mbi reform\u00ebn zgjedhore, e cila pritet…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":33183,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[10],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-33175","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-op-ed"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/33175","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=33175"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/33175\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":33184,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/33175\/revisions\/33184"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/33183"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=33175"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=33175"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=33175"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}