Isuf B.Bajrami<\/p>\n
Ka deklarata politike q\u00eb mund t\u00eb kalojn\u00eb si pjes\u00eb e zhurm\u00ebs s\u00eb zakonshme t\u00eb Ballkanit. Ka edhe t\u00eb tilla q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb t\u00eb merren seriozisht, jo p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb emocioneve q\u00eb shkaktojn\u00eb, por p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb pasojave q\u00eb mund t\u00eb prodhojn\u00eb n\u00ebse shnd\u00ebrrohen nga fjal\u00eb n\u00eb veprime.
\nDeklarata e presidentit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb, Aleksand\u00ebr Vu\u00e7iq, se Serbia ka thirrur ekspert\u00eb dhe inxhinier\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb shqyrtuar mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e ndryshimit t\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebs s\u00eb lumit Ib\u00ebr, i p\u00ebrket k\u00ebsaj kategorie.\u00b9<\/p>\n
Ne nuk kemi nevoj\u00eb ta dramatizojm\u00eb deklarat\u00ebn p\u00ebr ta kuptuar r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj. Mjafton ta marrim seriozisht si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Sepse Ibri nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb lum\u00eb.<\/p>\n
\u00cbsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb sistemi ujor q\u00eb lidh hap\u00ebsira dhe interesa t\u00eb disa shteteve. Ibrin e p\u00ebrshkon territori i Malit t\u00eb Zi, Serbis\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebs nd\u00ebrsa burimi i tij ndodhet n\u00eb Mal t\u00eb Zi, n\u00eb an\u00ebn veriore t\u00eb Hajl\u00ebs, n\u00eb jugper\u00ebndim t\u00eb Rozhaj\u00ebs.\u00b2<\/p>\n
Ky detaj gjeografik ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Burimi i Ibrit nuk ndodhet n\u00eb Serbi.<\/p>\n
Rrjedha e tij m\u00eb pas kalon n\u00ebp\u00ebr Serbi dhe Kosov\u00eb nd\u00ebrsa sistemi i ujit t\u00eb lidhur me Gazivod\u00ebn\/Ujmanin ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb ujore dhe ekonomike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Banka Bot\u00ebrore e ka trajtuar pellgun e Ibrit dhe sistemin e Gazivod\u00ebs\/Ujmanit n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb menaxhimit t\u00eb uj\u00ebrave nd\u00ebrkufitare dhe ka evidentuar r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e k\u00ebtij sistemi p\u00ebr furnizimin me uj\u00eb, energjin\u00eb dhe funksione t\u00eb tjera jetike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.\u00b3<\/p>\n
Prandaj, \u00e7do projekt q\u00eb synon t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme rrjedh\u00ebn e Ibrit nuk mund t\u00eb shihet vet\u00ebm si nj\u00eb projekt teknik n\u00eb territorin e nj\u00eb shteti.<\/p>\n
Ai ka potencialin t\u00eb b\u00ebhet \u00e7\u00ebshtje nd\u00ebrkufitare.<\/p>\n
Dhe n\u00ebse nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje e till\u00eb do t\u00eb prodhonte pasoja t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shtet tjet\u00ebr, ajo do t\u00eb hynte n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e parimeve dhe procedurave t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb uj\u00ebrave dhe t\u00eb mbrojtjes s\u00eb mjedisit nd\u00ebrkufitar.<\/p>\n
NJ\u00cb LUM\u00cb, TRI HAP\u00cbSIRA SHTET\u00cbRORE<\/p>\n
K\u00ebtu q\u00ebndron nj\u00eb nga aspektet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj \u00e7\u00ebshtjeje.
\nUji q\u00eb lidh disa shtete nuk mund t\u00eb trajtohet sikur t\u00eb ishte vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e brendshme e nj\u00ebrit prej tyre.<\/p>\n
Konventa e UNECE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr Mbrojtjen dhe P\u00ebrdorimin e Kurseve Ujore Nd\u00ebrkufitare dhe Liqeneve Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e p\u00ebrkufizon \u201cujin nd\u00ebrkufitar\u201d si uj\u00ebra sip\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsore ose n\u00ebntok\u00ebsore q\u00eb sh\u00ebnojn\u00eb, kalojn\u00eb ose ndodhen n\u00eb kufijt\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet dy ose m\u00eb shum\u00eb shteteve. Konventa e trajton gjithashtu pellgun uj\u00ebmbledh\u00ebs n\u00eb nj\u00eb kuptim m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb sesa vet\u00ebm shtratin fizik t\u00eb lumit.\u2074<\/p>\n
Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se dimensioni nd\u00ebrkufitar i ujit nuk lind vet\u00ebm kur uji kalon vij\u00ebn kufitare.<\/p>\n
Ai ekziston p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb lidhjes hidrologjike dhe pasojave q\u00eb veprimet n\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb sistemit mund t\u00eb prodhojn\u00eb n\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb tjera.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb rastin e Ibrit, kjo merr nj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht sepse sistemi i tij shtrihet n\u00eb Mal t\u00eb Zi, Kosov\u00eb dhe Serbi.\u00b2 \u00b3<\/p>\n
P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebn e Ibrit nuk duhet par\u00eb vet\u00ebm si nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Ajo mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb dimension m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb rajonal dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n
N\u00ebse nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje do t\u00eb ndikonte n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme mbi rrjedh\u00ebn, sasin\u00eb ose p\u00ebrdorimin e ujit n\u00eb territorin e nj\u00eb shteti tjet\u00ebr, at\u00ebher\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtja nuk do t\u00eb ishte m\u00eb thjesht bilaterale.<\/p>\n
Do t\u00eb ishte \u00e7\u00ebshtje e nj\u00eb burimi ujor nd\u00ebrkufitar.<\/p>\n
E DREJTA ND\u00cbRKOMB\u00cbTARE NUK FILLON PAS D\u00cbMIT<\/p>\n
Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb ndoshta dallimi m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm q\u00eb duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb.
\nNe nuk themi se deklarata e Vu\u00e7iqit, n\u00eb vetvete, p\u00ebrb\u00ebn tashm\u00eb nj\u00eb shkelje t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim i till\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte juridikisht i nxituar, sepse nuk kemi para nesh nj\u00eb projekt teknik t\u00eb detajuar, parametrat e tij, vendndodhjen, m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e realizimit dhe ndikimin e matsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n
Por e drejta nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare na jep pik\u00ebrisht instrumentet p\u00ebr ta vler\u00ebsuar nj\u00eb projekt t\u00eb till\u00eb n\u00ebse ai do t\u00eb konkretizohej.<\/p>\n
Konventa e UNECE-s\u00eb nd\u00ebrton sistemin e saj mbi tri shtylla: detyrimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar, kontrolluar dhe zvog\u00ebluar ndikimin e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm nd\u00ebrkufitar; p\u00ebrdorimin e drejt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb arsyesh\u00ebm t\u00eb uj\u00ebrave; dhe bashk\u00ebpunimin nd\u00ebrmjet shteteve q\u00eb ndajn\u00eb uj\u00ebra nd\u00ebrkufitare.\u2075<\/p>\n
M\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja p\u00ebr rastin konkret \u00ebsht\u00eb se UNECE e sqaron shprehimisht se Konventa trajton jo vet\u00ebm cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e ujit, por edhe sasin\u00eb e ujit. Nj\u00eb ndryshim i sasis\u00eb s\u00eb ujit mund t\u00eb shkaktoj\u00eb ndikim nd\u00ebrkufitar dhe, n\u00eb rrethana t\u00eb tilla, aktivizohen parimet p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse t\u00eb parandalimit, p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb drejt\u00eb dhe bashk\u00ebpunimit.\u2076<\/p>\n
Madje, n\u00eb pyetjet e saj zyrtare, UNECE trajton drejtp\u00ebrdrejt situat\u00ebn kur nj\u00eb aktivitet n\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebn e sip\u00ebrme mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrpres\u00eb ose t\u00eb reduktoj\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebn n\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebn e poshtme. N\u00eb nj\u00eb rast t\u00eb till\u00eb, nd\u00ebr dispozitat potencialisht relevante p\u00ebrfshihen detyrimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar ndikimin nd\u00ebrkufitar, parimi i p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb drejt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb arsyesh\u00ebm, bashk\u00ebpunimi dhe konsultimet. UNECE thekson se detyrimet konkrete varen nga rrethanat e rastit.\u2077<\/p>\n
Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht arsyeja pse nj\u00eb projekt i mundsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr devijimin e Ibrit nuk mund t\u00eb gjykohet vet\u00ebm si nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje inxhinierike.<\/p>\n
PARIMI I P\u00cbRDORIMIT T\u00cb DREJT\u00cb DHE T\u00cb ARSYESH\u00cbM<\/p>\n
E drejta moderne nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e uj\u00ebrave nuk i jep nj\u00eb shteti t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn ta p\u00ebrdor\u00eb nj\u00eb uj\u00ebrrjedh\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare sikur interesat e shteteve t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb mos ekzistonin.
\nKonventa e Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara e vitit 1997 p\u00ebr p\u00ebrdorimet jo-lundruese t\u00eb rrjedhave ujore nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare parashikon p\u00ebrdorimin dhe pjes\u00ebmarrjen e drejt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb arsyeshme t\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebs dhe detyrimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb masa t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos shkaktuar d\u00ebm t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm ndaj shteteve t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebs.\u2078<\/p>\n
Kjo qasje \u00ebsht\u00eb reflektuar edhe n\u00eb jurisprudenc\u00ebn e Gjykat\u00ebs Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen Silala, Gjykata konfirmoi se, sipas s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs zakonore nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, \u00e7do shtet bregor ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb arsyeshme t\u00eb burimeve t\u00eb nj\u00eb uj\u00ebrrjedhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe, nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, detyrimin t\u00eb mos e tejkaloj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb duke privuar shtetet e tjera nga e drejta e tyre p\u00ebr p\u00ebrdorim t\u00eb arsyesh\u00ebm. Gjykata theksoi gjithashtu detyrimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb masat e duhura p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar d\u00ebmin e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm ndaj shtetit tjet\u00ebr.\u2079<\/p>\n
Kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se \u00e7do ndryshim i rrjedh\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb lumi \u00ebsht\u00eb automatikisht i paligjsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n
Do t\u00eb thot\u00eb di\u00e7ka m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme: nj\u00eb projekt i till\u00eb duhet t\u00eb vler\u00ebsohet n\u00eb raport me t\u00eb drejtat dhe interesat e shteteve t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
PARANDALIMI, NJOFTIMI DHE KONSULTIMI<\/p>\n
N\u00ebse nj\u00eb projekt konkret do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb kishte ndikim t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm nd\u00ebrkufitar, hyn n\u00eb loj\u00eb edhe dimensioni i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs mjedisore nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.
\nKonventa e Espoo-s p\u00ebr Vler\u00ebsimin e Ndikimit n\u00eb Mjedis n\u00eb Kontekst Nd\u00ebrkufitar krijon procedura p\u00ebr rastet kur nj\u00eb aktivitet i propozuar mund t\u00eb shkaktoj\u00eb ndikim t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm negativ p\u00ebrtej kufirit. Ajo parashikon, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera, njoftimin e shtetit potencialisht t\u00eb prekur, shk\u00ebmbimin e informacionit, dokumentacionin e vler\u00ebsimit t\u00eb ndikimit dhe konsultimet.\u00b9\u2070<\/p>\n
Edhe Gjykata Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen Silala, e ka lidhur detyrimin p\u00ebr parandalimin e d\u00ebmit t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm me detyrime procedurale t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit, njoftimit dhe konsultimit kur nj\u00eb aktivitet i planifikuar paraqet rrezik p\u00ebr d\u00ebme t\u00eb tilla.\u2079<\/p>\n
Prandaj, n\u00ebse nj\u00eb ide politike do t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohej n\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt konkret teknik, pyetja nuk do t\u00eb ishte vet\u00ebm:<\/p>\n
\u201c\u00c7far\u00eb d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb Serbia?\u201d<\/p>\n
Pyetja do t\u00eb ishte:<\/p>\n
\u201c\u00c7far\u00eb pasoja nd\u00ebrkufitare mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb projekti dhe cilat detyrime nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare lindin p\u00ebrpara se ai t\u00eb realizohet?\u201d<\/p>\n
Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb ndryshimi nd\u00ebrmjet reagimit politik dhe parandalimit shtet\u00ebror.<\/p>\n
UJMANI \u00cbSHT\u00cb INFRASTRUKTUR\u00cb STRATEGJIKE<\/p>\n
P\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn, \u00e7\u00ebshtja e Ujmanit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb simbolike.
\nBanka Bot\u00ebrore e ka identifikuar menaxhimin e Gazivod\u00ebs\/Ujmanit dhe t\u00eb kanalit Ib\u00ebr-Lepenc si pjes\u00eb t\u00eb sfidave t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb siguris\u00eb ujore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe ka v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dukje se sistemi i kanalit sh\u00ebrben p\u00ebr funksione kritike n\u00eb zemr\u00ebn ekonomike t\u00eb vendit.\u00b3<\/p>\n
Prandaj, nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje q\u00eb do t\u00eb reduktonte ndjesh\u00ebm furnizimin e sistemit me uj\u00eb mund t\u00eb kishte pasoja t\u00eb shum\u00ebfishta.<\/p>\n
Mund t\u00eb prekte sigurin\u00eb ujore.<\/p>\n
Mund t\u00eb prekte energjin\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Mund t\u00eb prekte industrin\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Mund t\u00eb prekte bujq\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe sh\u00ebrbime t\u00eb tjera jetike.<\/p>\n
Dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb tensionuar politike, mund t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohej edhe n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje sigurie.<\/p>\n
Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse ne e shohim Ujmanin si infrastruktur\u00eb strategjike q\u00eb meriton mbrojtje institucionale, ekspertiz\u00eb t\u00eb vazhdueshme dhe planifikim serioz t\u00eb skenar\u00ebve t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n
SIGURIA DHE KFOR-I<\/p>\n
K\u00ebtu duhet t\u00eb jemi ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht t\u00eb sakt\u00eb.
\nMarr\u00ebveshja Ushtarako-Teknike e Kumanov\u00ebs e 9 qershorit 1999 krijoi Zon\u00ebn e Siguris\u00eb Tok\u00ebsore, nj\u00eb zon\u00eb prej pes\u00eb kilometrash p\u00ebrtej kufirit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, n\u00eb territorin e at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm t\u00eb RFJ-s\u00eb, dhe vendosi kufizime p\u00ebr pranin\u00eb e forcave jugosllave dhe serbe n\u00eb at\u00eb zon\u00eb.\u00b9\u00b9<\/p>\n
Por nuk do t\u00eb ishte e sakt\u00eb q\u00eb sot ta lexonim k\u00ebt\u00eb dispozit\u00eb sikur regjimi i vitit 1999 t\u00eb kishte mbetur i pandryshuar.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb maj 2001, NATO njoftoi se K\u00ebshilli i Atlantikut t\u00eb Veriut kishte autorizuar komandantin e KFOR-it t\u00eb lejonte kthimin e kontrolluar t\u00eb forcave jugosllave dhe serbe n\u00eb Sektorin B t\u00eb Zon\u00ebs s\u00eb Siguris\u00eb Tok\u00ebsore, si faz\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimtare e nj\u00eb procesi gradual dhe t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzuar. NATO deklaroi gjithashtu se KFOR-i do ta monitoronte zbatimin.\u00b9\u00b2<\/p>\n
Prandaj, formulimi juridikisht i sakt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ky:<\/p>\n
KFOR-i ka nj\u00eb mandat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb siguris\u00eb dhe vepron brenda korniz\u00ebs s\u00eb Rezolut\u00ebs 1244 dhe marr\u00ebveshjeve p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse, por nuk mund t\u00eb thuhet automatikisht se sot ekziston nj\u00eb rregull i pandryshuar q\u00eb i jep KFOR-it kompetenc\u00ebn t\u2019i urdh\u00ebroj\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha strukturat serbe t\u00eb largohen pes\u00eb kilometra nga kufiri.<\/p>\n
Rezoluta 1244 e K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Sigurimit t\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara autorizoi pranin\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb siguris\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrcaktoi krijimin e nj\u00eb mjedisi t\u00eb sigurt p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.\u00b9\u00b3<\/p>\n
Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb baza mbi t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ne e shohim KFOR-in: si nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb siguris\u00eb dhe parandalimit, jo si instrument t\u00eb nj\u00eb pale politike.<\/p>\n
N\u00ebse nj\u00eb zhvillim i ri do t\u00eb krijonte nj\u00eb rrezik serioz p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb, \u00e7\u00ebshtja do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb vler\u00ebsohej n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me mandatin aktual, rregullat operative dhe kuadrin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb siguris\u00eb.<\/p>\n
MAL I ZI \u2013 SERBI \u2013 KOSOV\u00cb: NJ\u00cb \u00c7\u00cbSHTJE Q\u00cb NUK MUND T\u00cb MBETET VET\u00cbM BILATERALE<\/p>\n
Ka edhe nj\u00eb dimension tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb meriton v\u00ebmendje.
\nGjeografia e Ibrit e lidh sistemin ujor me territorin e Malit t\u00eb Zi, Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb.\u00b2 \u00b3<\/p>\n
Kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se \u00e7do problem i Ibrit \u00ebsht\u00eb automatikisht nj\u00eb konflikt nd\u00ebrmjet tri shteteve.<\/p>\n
Do t\u00eb ishte po aq e pasakt\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Por do t\u00eb ishte gabim i madh q\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje me pasoja potencialisht nd\u00ebrkufitare t\u00eb konsiderohej vet\u00ebm si \u00e7\u00ebshtje e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve Kosov\u00eb\u2013Serbi.<\/p>\n
N\u00ebse nj\u00eb projekt n\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb sistemit ujor do t\u00eb ndikonte n\u00eb interesat e nj\u00eb shteti t\u00eb tret\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb ai shtet do t\u00eb kishte arsye t\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte informacion, konsultim dhe vler\u00ebsim t\u00eb ndikimit n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me instrumentet juridike q\u00eb zbatohen n\u00eb rrethanat konkrete.<\/p>\n
Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse dimensioni i Malit t\u00eb Zi nuk duhet harruar.<\/p>\n
Dhe pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu gjeografia mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet instrument i diplomacis\u00eb parandaluese.<\/p>\n
QYTETAR\u00cbT SERB\u00cb NUK JAN\u00cb PROBLEMI<\/p>\n
Nuk kemi arsye ta kthejm\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb ujit dhe siguris\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore n\u00eb konflikt me nj\u00eb komunitet.
\nP\u00ebrkundrazi, respektimi i t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve e forcon argumentin e Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebrball\u00eb \u00e7do nd\u00ebrhyrjeje t\u00eb jashtme.<\/p>\n
P\u00cbRGJIGJJA M\u00cb E FORT\u00cb \u00cbSHT\u00cb INSTITUCIONALE<\/p>\n
Ne nuk e shohim p\u00ebrgjigjen ndaj nj\u00eb politike t\u00eb mundshme t\u00eb Beogradit si gar\u00eb hakmarrjeje.
\nN\u00ebse Serbia nd\u00ebrmerr nj\u00eb veprim q\u00eb prek interesat jetike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, p\u00ebrgjigjja m\u00eb e fort\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebshkimi kolektiv dhe aq m\u00eb pak goditja e qytetar\u00ebve serb\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebrgjigjja m\u00eb e fort\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n
Juridike.<\/p>\n
Diplomatike.<\/p>\n
Ekonomike, kur \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme dhe kur lejohet nga kuadri p\u00ebrkat\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
Dhe e koordinuar me partner\u00ebt nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Reciprociteti nuk duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb etnik.<\/p>\n
Duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb institucional.<\/p>\n
N\u00ebse preken rregullat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, p\u00ebrgjigjja kalon p\u00ebrmes mekanizmave juridik\u00eb dhe diplomatik\u00eb.<\/p>\n
N\u00ebse preken interesat ekonomike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, p\u00ebrdoren instrumentet ekonomike n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me ligjin.<\/p>\n
N\u00ebse rrezikohet siguria, aktivizohen mekanizmat e siguris\u00eb sipas mandatit t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n
Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e fuqishme se hakmarrja.<\/p>\n
EVROPA DHE PARTNER\u00cbT EURO-ATLANTIK\u00cb<\/p>\n
Serbia ka lidhje t\u00eb thella ekonomike me Bashkimin Evropian dhe me ekonomit\u00eb per\u00ebndimore. Kjo krijon hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebr diplomaci dhe ndikim.
\nPor ne nuk kemi nevoj\u00eb q\u00eb partner\u00ebt tan\u00eb ta nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb politik\u00ebn e tyre mbi iden\u00eb e \u201cnd\u00ebshkimit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n
Argumenti yn\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i fort\u00eb:<\/p>\n
Partner\u00ebt euro-atlantik\u00eb kan\u00eb interes t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb n\u00eb stabilitetin e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor.<\/p>\n
Prandaj, \u00e7do projekt q\u00eb mund t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb tension t\u00eb ri nd\u00ebrkufitar, pasiguri ujore ose kriz\u00eb sigurie duhet t\u00eb shihet edhe n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb stabilitetit rajonal.<\/p>\n
Ne nuk presim q\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara, Bashkimi Evropian, Britania e Madhe apo Turqia t\u00eb jen\u00eb \u201ckund\u00ebr Serbis\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n
Presim q\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb kund\u00ebr destabilizimit.<\/p>\n
Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb dallim thelb\u00ebsor.<\/p>\n
KOSOVA DHE SHQIP\u00cbRIA<\/p>\n
Kosova dhe Shqip\u00ebria kan\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb natyrshme p\u00ebr koordinim diplomatik, teknik dhe juridik.
\nJo p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb konflikt me nj\u00eb popull tjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n
Jo p\u00ebr t\u00eb ushqyer retorik\u00ebn e p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimit.<\/p>\n
Por p\u00ebr t\u00eb paraqitur s\u00eb bashku faktet kur preken \u00e7\u00ebshtje q\u00eb lidhen me sigurin\u00eb, stabilitetin dhe interesat strategjike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
Kosova ka institucionet e veta.<\/p>\n
Shqip\u00ebria ka shtetin e vet, politik\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb jashtme dhe an\u00ebtar\u00ebsin\u00eb n\u00eb NATO.<\/p>\n
K\u00ebto dy realitete nuk kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb shkrihen n\u00eb nj\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Por mund t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunojn\u00eb aty ku interesat p\u00ebrputhen.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb rastin e Ibrit dhe Ujmanit, koordinimi i ekspertiz\u00ebs, diplomacis\u00eb dhe argumentit juridik do t\u00eb ishte m\u00eb i vlefsh\u00ebm se \u00e7do deklarat\u00eb emocionale.<\/p>\n
NE NUK KEMI NEVOJ\u00cb T\u00cb ZGJEDHIM MES LIGJIT DHE FUQIS\u00cb<\/p>\n
Ballkani shpesh \u00ebsht\u00eb par\u00eb p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb dileme t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr: ose ke forc\u00eb, ose ke t\u00eb drejt\u00eb.
\nNe besojm\u00eb se kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb dilem\u00eb e rreme.<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb shtet i vog\u00ebl nuk mund t\u00eb konkurroj\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7do dimension me nj\u00eb shtet m\u00eb t\u00eb madh.<\/p>\n
Por nj\u00eb shtet mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet shum\u00eb m\u00eb i fort\u00eb kur e lidh t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn me diplomacin\u00eb, diplomacin\u00eb me aleancat dhe aleancat me nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb matur.<\/p>\n
Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb e b\u00ebn t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e Ujmanit.<\/p>\n
Ajo na jep mund\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb nj\u00eb problem potencialisht konfliktual ta kthejm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb rregullave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n
Dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar mbi rregulla, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb forc\u00eb.<\/p>\n
MOS TA LEJOJM\u00cb UJMANIN T\u00cb B\u00cbHET INSTRUMENT FRIKE<\/p>\n
Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme t\u00eb dim\u00eb sot n\u00ebse deklarata e Vu\u00e7iqit do t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb projekt.
\nMjafton t\u00eb dim\u00eb se ai e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb publike mund\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe ka deklaruar se ekspert\u00ebt jan\u00eb angazhuar p\u00ebr ta shqyrtuar.\u00b9<\/p>\n
Kjo na jep mund\u00ebsin\u00eb t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb p\u00ebrpara.<\/p>\n
T\u00eb studiojm\u00eb.<\/p>\n
T\u00eb dokumentojm\u00eb.<\/p>\n
T\u00eb konsultohemi me ekspert\u00ebt.<\/p>\n
T\u00eb flasim me partner\u00ebt.<\/p>\n
T\u00eb p\u00ebrgatisim skenar\u00ebt.<\/p>\n
Dhe mbi t\u00eb gjitha, t\u00eb mos lejojm\u00eb q\u00eb frika t\u00eb b\u00ebhet politik\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb shtet nuk matet vet\u00ebm nga m\u00ebnyra se si reagon kur goditet.<\/p>\n
Matet edhe nga aft\u00ebsia e tij p\u00ebr ta parandaluar goditjen.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, Ujmani mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e ujit.<\/p>\n
Mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb prov\u00eb e pjekuris\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs si shtet.<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb prov\u00eb n\u00ebse mund ta z\u00ebvend\u00ebsojm\u00eb reagimin e vonuar me parandalimin.<\/p>\n
Retorik\u00ebn me dokumentin.<\/p>\n
Emocionin me ekspertiz\u00ebn.<\/p>\n
Dhe frik\u00ebn me sigurin\u00eb.<\/p>\n
P\u00cbRGJIGJJA M\u00cb E FORT\u00cb \u00cbSHT\u00cb SHTETI<\/p>\n
Ne nuk e shohim t\u00eb ardhmen e Kosov\u00ebs si gar\u00eb se kush mund t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnoj\u00eb m\u00eb fort.
\nE shohim si p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb shtetin aq t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm sa k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet t\u00eb mos ia ndryshojn\u00eb drejtimin.<\/p>\n
N\u00ebse Beogradi e shnd\u00ebrron iden\u00eb e ndryshimit t\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebs s\u00eb Ibrit n\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt konkret, at\u00ebher\u00eb ai projekt do t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet me ligjin, ekspertiz\u00ebn, diplomacin\u00eb dhe mekanizmat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb.<\/p>\n
N\u00ebse mbetet vet\u00ebm deklarat\u00eb politike, diplomacia e matur mund ta mbaj\u00eb aty ku \u00ebsht\u00eb: n\u00eb nivelin e deklarat\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb t\u00eb dyja rastet, Kosova fiton n\u00ebse mbetet e qet\u00eb, e p\u00ebrgatitur dhe e lidhur me partner\u00ebt e saj.<\/p>\n
Sepse shteti nuk mbrohet vet\u00ebm kur dikush e sulmon.<\/p>\n
Shteti mbrohet duke nd\u00ebrtuar \u00e7do dit\u00eb institucionet q\u00eb e b\u00ebjn\u00eb destabilizimin m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Dhe ndoshta ky \u00ebsht\u00eb mesazhi m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm q\u00eb del nga debati p\u00ebr Ibrin dhe Ujmanin:<\/p>\n
Ne nuk kemi nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhemi m\u00eb t\u00eb zhurmsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n
Kemi nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhemi m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitur.<\/p>\n
M\u00eb t\u00eb bashkuar rreth interesit shtet\u00ebror.<\/p>\n
M\u00eb t\u00eb aft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb folur me gjuh\u00ebn e ligjit.<\/p>\n
M\u00eb t\u00eb besuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr partner\u00ebt tan\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb vendosur p\u00ebr ta mbrojtur Kosov\u00ebn pa e humbur at\u00eb q\u00eb duam t\u00eb mbrojm\u00eb: nj\u00eb shtet demokratik, t\u00eb sigurt dhe t\u00eb respektuar.<\/p>\n
Uji \u00ebsht\u00eb jet\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Por n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, uji \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb prov\u00eb e paqes.<\/p>\n
Dhe paqja, si shteti, nuk ruhet duke pritur.<\/p>\n
Ruhet duke qen\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitur.<\/p>\n
Fusnota:<\/p>\n
1. KoSSev, \u201cVu\u010di\u0107 Says Serbia Is Considering Diverting the Ibar River, Raising Questions Over Gazivode\/Ujman\u201d, 9 gusht 2026.
\nBurimi dokumenton deklarat\u00ebn publike t\u00eb presidentit serb Aleksand\u00ebr Vu\u00e7iq se Serbia ka thirrur ekspert\u00eb, inxhinier\u00eb dhe persona nga sektori i nd\u00ebrtimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb shqyrtuar mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e ndryshimit t\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebs s\u00eb Ibrit. Raportimi sqaron gjithashtu se Vu\u00e7iq nuk specifikoi vendin ku do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej nd\u00ebrhyrja, m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn teknike t\u00eb devijimit apo ekzistenc\u00ebn e nj\u00eb projekti qeveritar t\u00eb miratuar. Prandaj, n\u00eb tekst deklarata paraqitet si deklarat\u00eb dhe sinjal politik, jo si prov\u00eb se ekziston tashm\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt teknik i miratuar.<\/p>\n
2. Leksikografski zavod Miroslav Krle\u017ea, Hrvatska enciklopedija, z\u00ebri \u201cIbar\u201d, edicioni online.
\nEnciklopedia kroate e p\u00ebrshkruan Ibrin si lum\u00eb n\u00eb Mal t\u00eb Zi, Kosov\u00eb dhe Serbi, me gjat\u00ebsi rreth 272 km dhe pellg prej rreth 8,059 km\u00b2. Ajo e vendos burimin n\u00eb an\u00ebn veriore t\u00eb malit Hajla, n\u00eb Mal t\u00eb Zi, rreth dhjet\u00eb kilometra n\u00eb jugper\u00ebndim t\u00eb Rozhaj\u00ebs. Ky burim p\u00ebrdoret n\u00eb tekst p\u00ebr faktin gjeografik se burimi i Ibrit ndodhet n\u00eb territorin e Malit t\u00eb Zi, jo n\u00eb Serbi.<\/p>\n
3. World Bank Group, Water Security Outlook for Kosovo, Washington, D.C., June 2018.
\nRaporti i Bank\u00ebs Bot\u00ebrore trajton sigurin\u00eb ujore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe, n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti, menaxhimin e Gazivod\u00ebs\/Ujmanit dhe kanalit Ib\u00ebr-Lepenc. Dokumenti e vendos menaxhimin e Gazivod\u00ebs\/Pridvoric\u00ebs dhe kanalit Ib\u00ebr-Lepenc n\u00eb kontekstin e sfidave t\u00eb siguris\u00eb ujore dhe t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve ende t\u00eb pazgjidhura Kosov\u00eb\u2013Serbi. Raporti thekson se kanali Ib\u00ebr-Lepenc sh\u00ebrben p\u00ebr funksione t\u00eb shumta kritike n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn ekonomike qendrore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
4. UNECE, Convention on the Protection and Use of Transboundary Watercourses and International Lakes, Helsinki, 17 March 1992; UNECE, \u201cFAQs, Part 4 \u2013 Scope\u201d.
\nUNECE sqaron se Konventa zbatohet p\u00ebr uj\u00ebrat nd\u00ebrkufitare dhe se koncepti nuk kufizohet vet\u00ebm te nj\u00eb trup i izoluar ujor, por lidhet edhe me pellgun uj\u00ebmbledh\u00ebs. Uj\u00ebrat nd\u00ebrkufitare p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb uj\u00ebrat sip\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsore ose n\u00ebntok\u00ebsore q\u00eb sh\u00ebnojn\u00eb, kalojn\u00eb ose ndodhen n\u00eb kufijt\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet dy ose m\u00eb shum\u00eb shteteve. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb baza p\u00ebr trajtimin e Ibrit si \u00e7\u00ebshtje me dimension nd\u00ebrkufitar.<\/p>\n
5. UNECE, Water Convention \u2013 FAQs, Part 5: Principles and Obligations.
\nUNECE identifikon tri shtylla normative t\u00eb Konvent\u00ebs: detyrimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar, kontrolluar dhe zvog\u00ebluar ndikimin e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm nd\u00ebrkufitar; parimin e p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb drejt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb arsyesh\u00ebm; dhe parimin e bashk\u00ebpunimit. P\u00ebr shtetet bregore parashikohen, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera, marr\u00ebveshje ose rregullime, organe t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta, konsultime, shk\u00ebmbim informacioni, sisteme paralajm\u00ebrimi dhe asistenc\u00eb reciproke.<\/p>\n
6. UNECE, \u201cFAQs, Part 4\u201d, pyetja 4.7 \u2013 Does the Water Convention regulate water quantity issues?
\nUNECE p\u00ebrgjigjet shprehimisht se Konventa mbulon ndikimet nd\u00ebrkufitare q\u00eb lidhen si me cil\u00ebsin\u00eb, ashtu edhe me sasin\u00eb e ujit. Ndryshimet n\u00eb sasi mund t\u00eb prodhojn\u00eb ndikim nd\u00ebrkufitar, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb pasoja p\u00ebr sh\u00ebndetin dhe sigurin\u00eb. UNECE thekson se parimi i p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb drejt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb arsyesh\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga shtyllat kryesore p\u00ebr trajtimin e \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb sasis\u00eb s\u00eb ujit.<\/p>\n
7. UNECE, \u201cFAQs, Part 5\u201d, pyetja 5.6 \u2013 Does the Water Convention apply when a planned activity upstream will disrupt or reduce the flow downstream?
\nKjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga referencat m\u00eb t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejta p\u00ebr argumentin e artikullit. UNECE shpjegon se, kur nj\u00eb aktivitet n\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebn e sip\u00ebrme mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrpres\u00eb ose zvog\u00ebloj\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebn n\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebn e poshtme, mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb relevante dispozitat p\u00ebr ndikimin nd\u00ebrkufitar, parandalimin, kontrollin dhe zvog\u00eblimin e tij, p\u00ebrdorimin e drejt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb arsyesh\u00ebm, bashk\u00ebpunimin dhe konsultimet. UNECE thekson se detyrimet konkrete p\u00ebrcaktohen sipas rrethanave specifike t\u00eb rastit.<\/p>\n
8. United Nations, Convention on the Law of the Non-Navigational Uses of International Watercourses, New York, 21 May 1997, Articles 5\u20137.
\nNeni 5 vendos parimin e p\u00ebrdorimit dhe pjes\u00ebmarrjes s\u00eb drejt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb arsyeshme n\u00eb nj\u00eb rrjedh\u00eb ujore nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Neni 6 p\u00ebrcakton faktor\u00ebt relevant\u00eb p\u00ebr vler\u00ebsimin e k\u00ebtij p\u00ebrdorimi, nd\u00ebrsa Neni 7 parashikon detyrimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb masa t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos shkaktuar d\u00ebm t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm ndaj shteteve t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebs. N\u00eb versionin final, k\u00ebto dispozita p\u00ebrdoren si kuad\u00ebr juridik nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, pa pretenduar se \u00e7do dispozit\u00eb e Konvent\u00ebs zbatohet automatikisht si traktat ndaj \u00e7do shteti konkret.<\/p>\n
9. International Court of Justice, Dispute over the Status and Use of the Waters of the Silala (Chile v. Bolivia), Judgment, 1 December 2022, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht paras. 64\u201365 dhe 96\u2013102.
\nGJND-ja e trajtoi uj\u00ebrrjedh\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare si nj\u00eb burim t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt mbi t\u00eb cilin shtetet bregore kan\u00eb t\u00eb drejta dhe detyrime t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjella. N\u00eb paragrafin 97, Gjykata thekson se, sipas s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs zakonore nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, \u00e7do shtet bregor ka nj\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb themelore p\u00ebr nj\u00eb ndarje t\u00eb drejt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb arsyeshme t\u00eb burimeve t\u00eb nj\u00eb uj\u00ebrrjedhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, por edhe detyrimin t\u00eb mos e tejkaloj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb duke privuar shtetet e tjera nga p\u00ebrdorimi dhe pjesa e tyre e arsyeshme. Gjykata lidh k\u00ebt\u00eb me detyrimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb masat e duhura p\u00ebr parandalimin e d\u00ebmit t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm.<\/p>\n
10. UNECE, Convention on Environmental Impact Assessment in a Transboundary Context (Espoo Convention), Espoo, 25 February 1991, Articles 2\u20135.
\nKonventa e Espoo-s krijon nj\u00eb regjim p\u00ebr vler\u00ebsimin e ndikimit n\u00eb mjedis kur aktivitetet e propozuara mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb ndikime t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme negative p\u00ebrtej kufirit. N\u00eb var\u00ebsi t\u00eb rrethanave dhe statusit juridik t\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshira, mekanizmat p\u00ebrkat\u00ebs mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb njoftimin, dokumentacionin, shk\u00ebmbimin e informacionit dhe konsultimet. Kjo referenc\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret p\u00ebr t\u00eb argumentuar nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr vler\u00ebsim paraprak dhe konsultim, jo p\u00ebr t\u00eb deklaruar automatikisht se \u00e7do projekt mbi Ibrin i n\u00ebnshtrohet nj\u00eb procedure t\u00eb caktuar pa shqyrtuar statusin juridik t\u00eb pal\u00ebve.<\/p>\n
11. Military Technical Agreement between the International Security Force (KFOR) and the Governments of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia, Kumanov\u00eb, 9 June 1999.
\nMarr\u00ebveshja Ushtarako-Teknike e Kumanov\u00ebs p\u00ebrcaktoi Zon\u00ebn e Siguris\u00eb Tok\u00ebsore (Ground Safety Zone \u2013 GSZ) si nj\u00eb zon\u00eb pes\u00eb kilometra p\u00ebrtej kufirit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb territorin e RFJ-s\u00eb dhe vendosi kufizime mbi pranin\u00eb e forcave jugosllave dhe serbe n\u00eb at\u00eb zon\u00eb. Ky dokument \u00ebsht\u00eb baza historike p\u00ebr referenc\u00ebn ndaj \u201cpes\u00eb kilometrave\u201d. Por ai nuk duhet lexuar i shk\u00ebputur nga ndryshimet e m\u00ebvonshme t\u00eb regjimit t\u00eb GSZ-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n
12. NATO, \u201cReturn of Yugoslav Security Forces to Sector B of the Ground Safety Zone\u201d, Press Release (2001)066, 14 May 2001.
\nNATO njoftoi m\u00eb 14 maj 2001 se K\u00ebshilli i Atlantikut t\u00eb Veriut kishte autorizuar komandantin e KFOR-it t\u00eb lejonte kthimin e kontrolluar t\u00eb forcave jugosllave dhe serbe n\u00eb Sektorin B t\u00eb GSZ-s\u00eb, duke e p\u00ebrshkruar k\u00ebt\u00eb si faz\u00ebn e fundit t\u00eb nj\u00eb procesi gradual dhe t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzuar. NATO deklaroi se KFOR-i do ta monitoronte zbatimin dhe se K\u00ebshilli do t\u00eb mbetej i angazhuar p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse n\u00eb artikull nuk b\u00ebhet pretendimi i pasakt\u00eb se rregulli fillestar pes\u00ebkilomet\u00ebrsh vazhdon sot n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb identike.<\/p>\n
13. United Nations Security Council, Resolution 1244 (1999), S\/RES\/1244, 10 June 1999.
\nRezoluta 1244 krijoi kuadrin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr pranin\u00eb civile dhe t\u00eb siguris\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe autorizoi pranin\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb siguris\u00eb me objektiv, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera, krijimin e nj\u00eb mjedisi t\u00eb sigurt p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. N\u00eb tekst p\u00ebrdoret si baz\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrshkrimin e karakterit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb mandatit t\u00eb KFOR-it, jo p\u00ebr t\u2019i atribuar KFOR-it kompetenca q\u00eb nuk dalin nga rezoluta, dokumentet pasuese ose kuadri operacional.<\/p>\n
14. International Court of Justice, Silala, Judgment, 1 December 2022 \u2013 detyrimi p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim, njoftim dhe konsultim.
\nGJND-ja e lidh parimin material t\u00eb parandalimit t\u00eb d\u00ebmit t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm nd\u00ebrkufitar me detyrime procedurale t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit, njoftimit dhe konsultimit n\u00eb rastet kur nj\u00eb aktivitet i planifikuar mund t\u00eb paraqes\u00eb rrezik t\u00eb till\u00eb. Ky autoritet \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht i dobish\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur nj\u00eb qasje q\u00eb e sheh t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare vet\u00ebm si mekaniz\u00ebm q\u00eb aktivizohet pasi d\u00ebmi ka ndodhur.<\/p>\n
15. World Bank Group, Water Security Outlook for Kosovo, 2018.
\nRaporti e p\u00ebrshkruan Kosov\u00ebn si nj\u00eb vend me sfida serioze t\u00eb siguris\u00eb ujore dhe e lidh \u00e7\u00ebshtjen me menaxhimin e burimeve ujore, energjin\u00eb, zhvillimin ekonomik dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkufitare. Pjesa p\u00ebr Gazivod\u00ebn\/Ujmanin dhe kanalin Ib\u00ebr-Lepenc \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr argumentin se Ujmani nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht rezervuar lokal, por pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb infrastrukture me funksione t\u00eb shumta kritike.<\/p>\n
16. UNECE, Water Convention \u2013 Frequently Asked Questions, Part 5.
\nUNECE sqaron gjithashtu se, n\u00eb rastet kur nj\u00eb shtet pal\u00eb ndan uj\u00ebra nd\u00ebrkufitare me nj\u00eb shtet q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pal\u00eb n\u00eb Konvent\u00eb, detyrimet q\u00eb rrjedhin drejtp\u00ebrdrejt nga Konventa kan\u00eb kufizimet e tyre; megjithat\u00eb, e drejta zakonore nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare mbetet relevante. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rezerv\u00eb juridike e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr \u00e7do analiz\u00eb serioze t\u00eb statusit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, Serbis\u00eb dhe Malit t\u00eb Zi dhe shmang p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsimet e pasakta mbi zbatimin automatik t\u00eb nj\u00eb traktati.<\/p>\n
17. International Court of Justice, Silala, paras. 96\u2013102.
\nGjykata thekson se uj\u00ebrrjedha nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb burim i p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt dhe se t\u00eb drejtat e shteteve bregore duhet t\u00eb harmonizohen. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuad\u00ebr, nj\u00eb shtet nuk e humb sovranitetin mbi territorin e vet, por ushtrimi i t\u00eb drejtave territoriale dhe zhvillimi i infrastruktur\u00ebs duhet t\u00eb respektojn\u00eb detyrimet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare q\u00eb lidhen me burimet e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta dhe d\u00ebmin nd\u00ebrkufitar. Ky parim \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr \u00e7do projekt t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm infrastrukturor q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndikoj\u00eb n\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebn e Ibrit.<\/p>\n
18. P\u00ebrfundim metodologjik mbi karakterin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb Ibrit.
\nFakti q\u00eb Ibri buron n\u00eb Mal t\u00eb Zi dhe vazhdon p\u00ebrmes Kosov\u00ebs e Serbis\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se \u00e7do mosmarr\u00ebveshje mbi t\u00eb b\u00ebhet automatikisht \u201ckonflikt nd\u00ebrmjet tri shteteve\u201d. Formulimi juridikisht m\u00eb i sakt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb sistem ujor me karakter nd\u00ebrkufitar dhe me interesa t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhura t\u00eb disa shteteve. N\u00ebse nj\u00eb projekt konkret do t\u00eb prodhonte ndikime t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme nd\u00ebrkufitare, at\u00ebher\u00eb do t\u00eb hynin n\u00eb loj\u00eb parimet e p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb drejt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb arsyesh\u00ebm, parandalimit t\u00eb d\u00ebmit, bashk\u00ebpunimit, shk\u00ebmbimit t\u00eb informacionit, konsultimit dhe, sipas instrumenteve juridike q\u00eb zbatohen n\u00eb rrethanat konkrete, vler\u00ebsimit t\u00eb ndikimit nd\u00ebrkufitar. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb formul\u00eb m\u00eb e fort\u00eb juridikisht sesa deklarimi kategorik se \u00e7\u00ebshtja \u00ebsht\u00eb automatikisht \u201ckonflikt nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u201d.<\/p>\n
Vendi i Lek\u00ebs,10.08.2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Isuf B.Bajrami Ka deklarata politike q\u00eb mund t\u00eb kalojn\u00eb si pjes\u00eb e zhurm\u00ebs s\u00eb zakonshme…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":42949,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[10],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-42945","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-op-ed"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/42945","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=42945"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/42945\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":42950,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/42945\/revisions\/42950"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/42949"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=42945"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=42945"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=42945"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}