Shkruan: Nefail Emini
\nLindja e Mesme nuk po gjen qet\u00ebsi, nd\u00ebrsa rajoni po p\u00ebrjeton zhvendosje t\u00eb fuqishme
\ngjeopolitike, t\u00eb shoq\u00ebruara me krijimin e aleancave t\u00eb reja, t\u00eb cilat nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht po nxisin
\nshfaqjen e mund\u00ebsive p\u00ebr p\u00ebrplasje t\u00eb reja. Afrimi nd\u00ebrmjet Turqis\u00eb, Arabis\u00eb Saudite dhe
\nPakistanit, duke krijuar nj\u00eb trek\u00ebnd\u00ebsh t\u00eb ri n\u00eb Lindjen e Mesme, duket se do t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb
\np\u00ebrplasje t\u00eb fuqishme gjeopolitike n\u00eb nj\u00eb nga rajonet m\u00eb t\u00eb paq\u00ebndrueshme t\u00eb bot\u00ebs. Kjo situat\u00eb
\nmund t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb n\u00eb krijimin e aleancave jo t\u00eb natyrshme dhe ndoshta joformale, por q\u00eb do t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb
\npranishme dhe me ndikim n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb.
\nN\u00eb rrethanat e reja gjeopolitike t\u00eb krijuara nga Pakti i Mek\u00ebs, mund t\u00eb shfaqet edhe mund\u00ebsia e
\nnj\u00eb konvergjence t\u00eb heshtur interesash nd\u00ebrmjet Iranit dhe Izraelit. Kjo mund t\u00eb duket shum\u00eb
\njorealiste n\u00eb rrethana normale, por n\u00eb kushtet e reja gjeopolitike, m\u00eb shum\u00eb se inatet dhe
\nrivalitetet historike, mund t\u00eb vlej\u00eb parimi se \u201carmiku i armikut tim \u00ebsht\u00eb miku im\u201d.
\nMarr\u00ebveshja e Mek\u00ebs dhe shqet\u00ebsimi i Iranit dhe Izraelit
\nMarr\u00ebveshja e Mek\u00ebs ka shkaktuar shqet\u00ebsim n\u00eb disa shtete t\u00eb Lindjes s\u00eb Mesme dhe t\u00eb
\nMesdheut Lindor, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb Iran dhe Izrael, pasi ajo mund t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb balancat
\ngjeopolitike n\u00eb rajon. Irani dhe Izraeli, dy fuqi rajonale q\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb e kan\u00eb par\u00eb nj\u00ebri-
\ntjetrin si kund\u00ebrshtar n\u00eb gar\u00ebn p\u00ebr ndikim n\u00eb rajon, p\u00ebrnj\u00ebher\u00eb mund t\u00eb gjenden p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb
\nblloku q\u00eb e vler\u00ebsojn\u00eb si gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr interesat e tyre strategjike.
\nP\u00ebr Izraelin, marr\u00ebveshja e Mek\u00ebs mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsoj\u00eb nj\u00eb konfigurim q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim
\nm\u00eb t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb p\u00ebr interesat e tij gjeopolitike n\u00eb rajon. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, edhe Teherani
\nmund ta perceptoj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aleanc\u00eb si nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe p\u00ebr interesat e tij, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht
\nn\u00ebse ajo do t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimi politik, ekonomik dhe t\u00eb
\nsiguris\u00eb.
\nPse Pakti i Mek\u00ebs ngre shqet\u00ebsim n\u00eb Iran?
\nIrani dhe Izraeli jan\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm n\u00eb gar\u00ebn p\u00ebr ndikim rajonal, por, ndryshe nga
\nshtetet e Paktit t\u00eb Mek\u00ebs, ata nuk kan\u00eb kufi t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt tok\u00ebsor. Teherani, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, ndan
\nkufij t\u00eb gjat\u00eb tok\u00ebsor\u00eb me Pakistanin dhe Turqin\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa Arabia Saudite jan\u00eb fqinj\u00eb detar\u00eb.
\nQ\u00eb nga Revolucioni Islamik i vitit 1979, rivaliteti dhe p\u00ebrplasjet nd\u00ebrmjet Riadit dhe Teheranit
\njan\u00eb ashp\u00ebrsuar, nd\u00ebrsa rivaliteti i tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb shfaqur, drejtp\u00ebrdrejt ose p\u00ebrmes aktor\u00ebve t\u00eb
\nnd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebm, n\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb konflikteve q\u00eb kan\u00eb karakterizuar Lindjen e Mesme gjat\u00eb
\ndekadave t\u00eb fundit. Ky rivalitet ka rr\u00ebnj\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrplasjen nd\u00ebrmjet Teheranit dhe Riadit p\u00ebr ndikim
\ndhe hegjemoni n\u00eb Lindjen e Mesme, p\u00ebr supremaci dhe udh\u00ebheqje n\u00eb bot\u00ebn islame, si dhe p\u00ebr
\ndominim n\u00eb gjeopolitik\u00ebn energjetike.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb k\u00ebto kushte, nj\u00eb Arabi Saudite m\u00eb e fuqishme si pasoj\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj aleance do t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte nj\u00eb
\nbarrier\u00eb edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe ndaj interesave gjeopolitike t\u00eb Teheranit n\u00eb rajon. P\u00ebrfshirja e Riadit
\nn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pakt mund t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb gjithashtu si shtys\u00eb q\u00eb edhe shtete t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb Gjirit t\u2019i bashkohen
\nk\u00ebtij konfigurimi, duke krijuar nj\u00eb izolim m\u00eb t\u00eb madh strategjik p\u00ebr Iranin.
\nIrani ka gjithashtu nj\u00eb rivalitet historik me Turqin\u00eb, i cili shtrihet pas n\u00eb koh\u00eb, q\u00eb nga viti 1501,
\nkur u krijua Dinastia Safavide, e cila zhvilloi nj\u00eb rivalitet t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm me Perandorin\u00eb Osmane.
\nIrani dhe Turqia, si dy prej shteteve m\u00eb t\u00eb populluara dhe dy fuqi t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme rajonale, kan\u00eb
\nnj\u00eb rivalitet t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm p\u00ebr ndikim jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Lindjen e Mesme, por edhe n\u00eb Kaukaz dhe n\u00eb
\nAzin\u00eb Qendrore.
\nP\u00ebrmes k\u00ebsaj aleance, pesha e Ankaras\u00eb mund t\u00eb rritet m\u00eb tej, duke e vendosur Teheranin n\u00ebn
\npresion dhe duke kufizuar hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb manovrimit p\u00ebr ndikim n\u00eb k\u00ebto rajone. Pakti i Mek\u00ebs
\nkrijon nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrthurje t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme energjetike dhe financiare t\u00eb Arabis\u00eb Saudite,
\nkapaciteteve teknologjike dhe ushtarake t\u00eb Turqis\u00eb, si dhe fuqis\u00eb demografike dhe b\u00ebrthamore t\u00eb
\nPakistanit. Kjo e vendos Iranin n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozit\u00eb tejet delikate p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket ruajtjes dhe zgjerimit t\u00eb
\nndikimit t\u00eb tij n\u00eb k\u00ebto hap\u00ebsira.
\nNj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr dimension i p\u00ebrplasjes nd\u00ebrmjet Teheranit dhe Ankaras\u00eb lidhet edhe me pretendimin
\np\u00ebr rolin e \u201cshtetit b\u00ebrthamor\u201d n\u00eb bot\u00ebn islame. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, nj\u00eb afrim m\u00eb i madh nd\u00ebrmjet
\nshteteve me shumic\u00eb sunite mund t\u00eb kufizoj\u00eb edhe m\u00eb tej synimet e Iranit shiit p\u00ebr ndikim dhe
\nudh\u00ebheqje n\u00eb bot\u00ebn islame.
\nIrani dhe Pakistani ndajn\u00eb nj\u00eb kufi t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt prej rreth 909 kilometrash, nd\u00ebrsa \u00e7\u00ebshtja e
\nsiguris\u00eb kufitare nd\u00ebrmjet dy vendeve shpesh \u00ebsht\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb nj\u00eb aren\u00eb p\u00ebrplasjesh. T\u00eb dyja
\npal\u00ebt e kan\u00eb akuzuar nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn p\u00ebr mb\u00ebshtetje ose tolerim t\u00eb grupeve t\u00eb pakic\u00ebs balo\u00e7e, t\u00eb cilat
\nkan\u00eb kryer sulme n\u00eb territorin e nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebs.
\nAfganistani p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr aren\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrplasjeve gjeopolitike nd\u00ebrmjet Iranit dhe Pakistanit.
\nIslamabadi ka mb\u00ebshtetur Taliban\u00ebt, nd\u00ebrsa Teherani ka mbajtur marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie me aktor\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb
\nafgan\u00eb dhe me grupe q\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me Taliban\u00ebt.
\nIrani e sheh me shqet\u00ebsim afrimin e Pakistanit me Arabin\u00eb Saudite, kund\u00ebrshtarin e tij rajonal,
\nnd\u00ebrsa Islamabadi e ka par\u00eb me shqet\u00ebsim afrimin nd\u00ebrmjet Teheranit dhe Indis\u00eb. Porti i
\nChabaharit i jep Indis\u00eb nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb alternative drejt Afganistanit dhe Azis\u00eb Qendrore, duke
\nanashkaluar territorin pakistanez.
\nN\u00eb kushtet e nj\u00eb aleance t\u00eb re, Pakistani do t\u00eb fitonte hap\u00ebsira m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha manovruese p\u00ebr
\navancimin e interesave t\u00eb tij gjeopolitike n\u00eb rajon, nd\u00ebrsa Irani do t\u00eb vendosej n\u00ebn presionin e
\nk\u00ebtij trek\u00ebnd\u00ebshi t\u00eb ri. Pakti i Mek\u00ebs, n\u00ebse konsolidohet si nj\u00eb aleanc\u00eb funksionale, mund ta
\nvendos\u00eb Iranin n\u00ebn presion t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm gjeopolitik, duke e detyruar Teheranin t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb forma
\nt\u00eb reja partneriteti p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb balanc\u00eb t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb thyer izolimin e tij strategjik.<\/p>\n
Pse shqet\u00ebsohet Izraeli?
\nEdhe Irani, edhe Izraeli mund ta shohin me shqet\u00ebsim t\u00eb madh k\u00ebt\u00eb aleanc\u00eb t\u00eb re. Izraeli e ka
\npar\u00eb Iranin si nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr interesat e tij n\u00eb rajon, por nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e fuqive t\u00eb
\nPaktit t\u00eb Mek\u00ebs ndodhen gjeografikisht shum\u00eb m\u00eb pran\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs s\u00eb interesit t\u00eb tij strategjik. N\u00eb
\nk\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, Izraeli mund ta shoh\u00eb Turqin\u00eb si nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim m\u00eb t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb ndaj interesave
\nt\u00eb tij rajonale.
\nIzraeli e sheh me shqet\u00ebsim mb\u00ebshtetjen q\u00eb Turqia i jep kauz\u00ebs palestineze dhe kund\u00ebrshtimin e
\nfuqish\u00ebm t\u00eb veprimeve izraelite n\u00eb territoret palestineze, \u00e7ka ka shkaktuar jo pak f\u00ebrkime
\nnd\u00ebrmjet dy vendeve. Turqia ka mbajtur marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie politike me Hamasin, nd\u00ebrsa Izraeli e
\nkonsideron Hamasin organizat\u00eb terroriste.
\nMesdheu Lindor dhe rrug\u00ebt energjetike p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pik\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrplasjes s\u00eb fuqishme
\ngjeopolitike nd\u00ebrmjet dy vendeve. Bashk\u00ebpunimi strategjik Izrael\u2013Greqi\u2013Qipro krijon
\nshqet\u00ebsime p\u00ebr Ankaran\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa interesat turke n\u00eb Mesdheun Lindor p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb
\nr\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrmjet Turqis\u00eb dhe Izraelit.
\nSiria \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr hap\u00ebsir\u00eb ku t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebt kan\u00eb interesa t\u00eb ndryshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen politike
\ndhe t\u00eb siguris\u00eb s\u00eb vendit. Me krijimin e nj\u00eb aleance t\u00eb re rajonale, Izraeli mund t\u00eb shqet\u00ebsohet se
\nndikimi i Ankaras\u00eb do t\u00eb rritet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme, duke cenuar interesat e tij n\u00eb k\u00ebto
\nhap\u00ebsira.
\nP\u00ebrplasjet nd\u00ebrmjet Izraelit dhe Arabis\u00eb Saudite jan\u00eb duksh\u00ebm m\u00eb t\u00eb kufizuara krahasuar me ato
\nnd\u00ebrmjet Izraelit dhe Turqis\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, \u00e7\u00ebshtja palestineze, statusi i Jerusalemit dhe \u00e7\u00ebshtja e
\nvendeve t\u00eb shenjta myslimane jan\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb ndjeshme p\u00ebr Arabin\u00eb Saudite, duke pasur
\nparasysh rolin e saj si mbrojt\u00ebse e Mek\u00ebs dhe Medin\u00ebs. Nj\u00eb aleanc\u00eb e re do t\u2019i jepte Riadit fuqi
\nm\u00eb t\u00eb madhe diplomatike p\u00ebr t\u00eb ushtruar presion ndaj Izraelit dhe aktor\u00ebve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i
\ntrajtuar me m\u00eb shum\u00eb seriozitet k\u00ebto \u00e7\u00ebshtje.
\nIzraeli dhe Pakistani, ndon\u00ebse relativisht larg gjeografikisht, kan\u00eb gjithashtu pika p\u00ebrplasjeje n\u00eb
\nplanin gjeopolitik. Nj\u00ebra prej tyre lidhet me \u00e7\u00ebshtjen palestineze, nd\u00ebrsa bashk\u00ebpunimi strategjik
\nIzrael\u2013Indi perceptohet n\u00eb Pakistan si nj\u00eb problem sigurie, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb kontekstin e konfliktit
\nIndi\u2013Pakistan dhe \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb Kashmir-it.
\nK\u00ebto tri shtete t\u00eb Paktit t\u00eb Mek\u00ebs kan\u00eb nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb interesash dhe \u00e7\u00ebshtjesh t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta n\u00eb raport
\nme Izraelin, gj\u00eb q\u00eb teorikisht do t\u2019u mund\u00ebsonte t\u00eb krijonin nj\u00eb politik\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb koordinuar dhe t\u00eb
\nrrisnin presionin ndaj Tel Avivit. Pik\u00ebrisht kjo mund t\u00eb shihet me shqet\u00ebsim nga Izraeli.
\nN\u00eb k\u00ebto rrethana, Izraeli do t\u00eb ishte i interesuar t\u00eb gjente partner\u00eb t\u00eb rinj ose t\u00eb forconte
\npartneritetet ekzistuese n\u00eb rajon, me q\u00ebllim balancimin e k\u00ebsaj aleance t\u00eb re dhe shmangien e nj\u00eb
\nizolimi t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm strategjik nga Ankaraja, Rijadi dhe Islamabadi.
\nA mund t\u00eb krijohet nj\u00eb afrim Iran\u2013Izrael?<\/p>\n
N\u00eb situat\u00ebn e re gjeopolitike t\u00eb krijuar, n\u00ebse Pakti i Mek\u00ebs shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb aleanc\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme
\nn\u00eb Lindjen e Mesme, at\u00ebher\u00eb si Irani, ashtu edhe Izraeli mund ta shohin at\u00eb si nj\u00eb faktor q\u00eb
\nk\u00ebrc\u00ebnon ose kufizon interesat e tyre gjeopolitike n\u00eb rajon.
\nN\u00eb k\u00ebto rrethana, mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb Irani, p\u00ebr t\u2019iu kund\u00ebrv\u00ebn\u00eb k\u00ebtij konfigurimi, t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb nj\u00eb
\npartneritet q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb pesh\u00eb t\u00eb krahasueshme ushtarake, ekonomike dhe diplomatike, e
\nsjell Izraelin n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb paradoksale n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj hipoteze. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, edhe p\u00ebr
\nIzraelin mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme krijimi i nj\u00eb balance t\u00eb re t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00eb skenar t\u00eb till\u00eb,
\nnj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje, qoft\u00eb edhe joformale dhe jozyrtare, nd\u00ebrmjet Izraelit dhe Iranit nuk do t\u00eb ishte
\nm\u00eb e pamendueshme vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb armiq\u00ebsive t\u00eb tyre historike.
\nKjo nuk do t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte domosdoshm\u00ebrisht krijimin e nj\u00eb aleance formale Iran\u2013Izrael. M\u00eb
\nshum\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhej fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb konvergjenc\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohshme t\u00eb interesave, p\u00ebr koordinim
\nindirekt ose p\u00ebr nj\u00eb mir\u00ebkuptim pragmatik n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb caktuara, n\u00ebse t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebt do ta
\nperceptonin nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim t\u00eb tret\u00eb si m\u00eb t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm p\u00ebr interesat e tyre.
\nNuk duhet harruar se shtetet veprojn\u00eb mbi baz\u00ebn e interesave t\u00eb tyre gjeopolitike dhe strategjike.
\nHistoria nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare nuk ka munguar n\u00eb raste kur dy kund\u00ebrshtar\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbetuar kan\u00eb gjetur
\nforma bashk\u00ebpunimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb balancuar nj\u00eb fuqi tjet\u00ebr, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn t\u00eb dy e kan\u00eb vler\u00ebsuar si m\u00eb t\u00eb
\nrrezikshme.
\nPrandaj, pyetja q\u00eb shtrohet n\u00eb rrethanat e reja t\u00eb Lindjes s\u00eb Mesme nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrisht
\nn\u00ebse Irani dhe Izraeli mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhen aleat\u00eb n\u00eb kuptimin klasik t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs. Pyetja m\u00eb interesante
\n\u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse ndryshimi i ekuilibrit rajonal mund t\u2019i detyroj\u00eb dy kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt historik\u00eb t\u00eb gjejn\u00eb
\npika t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta interesi dhe, n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment t\u00eb caktuar, t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunojn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb
\npragmatike p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi q\u00eb mund ta konsiderojn\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madh.
\nN\u00ebse nj\u00eb zhvillim i till\u00eb do t\u00eb ndodhte, ai do t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte nj\u00eb nga paradokset m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb
\ngjeopolitik\u00ebs s\u00eb Lindjes s\u00eb Mesme: dy prej rival\u00ebve m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj t\u00eb rajonit mund t\u00eb
\ndetyroheshin t\u00eb rishikonin marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien e tyre jo sepse kan\u00eb pushuar s\u00eb qeni kund\u00ebrshtar\u00eb, por
\nsepse konfigurimi i ri i fuqis\u00eb mund t\u2019i shtyj\u00eb t\u00eb dy t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb nj\u00eb ekuilib\u00ebr t\u00eb ri strategjik.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Shkruan: Nefail Emini Lindja e Mesme nuk po gjen qet\u00ebsi, nd\u00ebrsa rajoni po p\u00ebrjeton zhvendosje…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":48086,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[10],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-48083","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-op-ed"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/48083","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=48083"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/48083\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":48087,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/48083\/revisions\/48087"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/48086"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=48083"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=48083"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=48083"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}