Shkruan: Halit Krasniqi <\/p>\n
Ka momente kur nj\u00eb njeri nuk mund t\u00eb flas\u00eb vet\u00ebm si politikan, si jurist apo si qytetar. Ka momente kur duhet t\u00eb flas\u00eb edhe si d\u00ebshmitar i nj\u00eb kohe n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ka marr\u00eb vendime, ka bartur p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi dhe ka par\u00eb nga af\u00ebr se si politika, drejt\u00ebsia dhe interesat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare jan\u00eb nd\u00ebrthurur n\u00eb fatin e Kosov\u00ebs. Un\u00eb jam nj\u00ebri prej atyre njer\u00ebzve. Si an\u00ebtar i Komisionit p\u00ebr Legjislacion t\u00eb Kuvendit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, kam marr\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt rekomandimin e at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm t\u00eb Kryeministrit Hashim Tha\u00e7i q\u00eb Projektligji p\u00ebr Gjykat\u00ebn Speciale t\u00eb kalonte n\u00eb Kuvend. Porosia ishte e qart\u00eb: t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetej iniciativa e Qeveris\u00eb dhe ajo t\u00eb arsyetohej para deputet\u00ebve si nj\u00eb zgjidhje q\u00eb duhej pranuar, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera, edhe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebrkesave dhe pritjeve t\u00eb miqve tan\u00eb amerikan\u00eb dhe evropian\u00eb. Projektligji, megjithat\u00eb, u shty dhe u votua m\u00eb von\u00eb, n\u00eb vitin 2015, kur un\u00eb nuk isha m\u00eb pjes\u00eb e Kuvendit. Po t\u00eb isha at\u00ebher\u00eb deputet, do ta votoja. Jo sepse do t\u00eb besoja se \u00e7do akuz\u00eb ndaj luft\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb U\u00c7K-s\u00eb ishte e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. Jo sepse do t\u00eb pranoja paraprakisht faj\u00ebsin\u00eb e kujtdo. Dhe jo sepse do t\u00eb hiqja dor\u00eb nga e drejta p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn e luft\u00ebs son\u00eb p\u00ebr liri. Do ta votoja sepse, n\u00eb rrethanat e asaj kohe, e konsideroja m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegjshme q\u00eb Kosova ta merrte vet\u00eb nj\u00eb vendim t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb dhe ta krijonte nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm t\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebm t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, sesa \u00e7\u00ebshtja t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundonte n\u00eb nj\u00eb proces tjet\u00ebr nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, ku vendimmarrja politike dhe diplomatike mund t\u00eb kishte p\u00ebrcaktuar edhe arkitektur\u00ebn e mekanizmit gjyq\u00ebsor me protagonist nga shtete jo miq\u00ebsore. K\u00ebshtu ishte krijuar bindja ime at\u00ebher\u00eb nga informacionet kredibile q\u00eb kishim. Dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme ta them k\u00ebt\u00eb sot, sepse nuk kam arsye ta mohoj nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim q\u00eb e kam mbajtur me vet\u00ebdije. Por pranimi i themelimit t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Speciale nuk n\u00ebnkupton pranimin e \u00e7do akuze t\u00eb ngritur prej saj. <\/p>\n
Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb dallimi themelor. Nj\u00eb gjykat\u00eb mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb krijuar me vendim politik, por drejt\u00ebsia e saj matet vet\u00ebm me standardet e gjykimit t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, me provat dhe me ligjin. Pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, sot, kur procesi ndaj kat\u00ebr prej drejtuesve t\u00eb Ushtris\u00eb \u00c7lirimtare t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs ka arritur n\u00eb faz\u00ebn p\u00ebrfundimtare, duhet t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb gj\u00eb: t\u00eb triumfoj\u00eb drejt\u00ebsia dhe t\u00eb mos merren n\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb nga trupi gjykues dosjet e d\u00ebrguara nga pal\u00ebt e konfliktit nga Beogradi dhe Moska. K\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsi t\u00eb mbetet insistimi yn\u00eb Akuzat e r\u00ebnda q\u00eb p\u00ebr vite kan\u00eb r\u00ebnduar mbi emrin e lavdish\u00ebm t\u00eb luft\u00ebs s\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht pretendimet p\u00ebr t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebn \u201ctregti me organe\u201d dhe em\u00ebrtimi motivues: Ushtria \u00c7lirimtare e Kosov\u00ebs dhe akronimi simpatik e inspirues: U\u00c7K, q\u00eb ka udh\u00ebhequr e identifikuar luft\u00ebn ton\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb gumzhij\u00eb me formulimin rr\u00ebqeth\u00ebs: \u201cNd\u00ebrmarrje e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt kriminale\u201d kan\u00eb qen\u00eb nd\u00ebr elementet m\u00eb trondit\u00ebse t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj historie. <\/p>\n
Nga se k\u00ebto pretendime nuk jan\u00eb provuar, at\u00ebher\u00eb ato duhet t\u00eb mbeten aty ku i takon \u00e7do pretendimi t\u00eb paprovuar: jasht\u00eb nj\u00eb aktgjykimi lirues. Gjykata Speciale \u00ebsht\u00eb krijuar me nj\u00eb vendim t\u00eb institucioneve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur fuqish\u00ebm nga aleat\u00ebt tan\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb. N\u00eb gjith\u00eb rrug\u00ebtimin e saj, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht Shtetet e Bashkuara t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs kan\u00eb pasur rol t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm politik e diplomatik n\u00eb krijimin e mekanizmit dhe n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen e tij. Pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, miqt\u00eb tan\u00eb n\u00eb SHBA duhet t\u00eb d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb besnik\u00ebrin\u00eb ndaj parimit mbi t\u00eb cilin \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar aleanca jon\u00eb me ta: drejt\u00ebsia, ligji dhe e drejta p\u00ebr nj\u00eb gjykim t\u00eb drejt\u00eb. Kjo tani \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur. Nga se protagonist\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb n\u00eb vendimmarrje kan\u00eb origjin\u00eb amerikane dhe kan\u00eb eksperienc\u00eb e formime juridike me integritet. N\u00ebse U\u00c7K-ja \u00ebsht\u00eb konsideruar aleate n\u00eb luft\u00ebn kund\u00ebr regjimit t\u00eb Millosheviqit, nuk duhet t\u00eb lejohet q\u00eb vet\u00eb p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsia n\u00eb U\u00c7K, apo roli politik e ushtarak i dikujt gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebs, t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb prov\u00eb t\u00eb faj\u00ebsis\u00eb pse k\u00ebt\u00eb e ka k\u00ebrkuar dhe e k\u00ebrkon Beogradi dhe Moska me dosje t\u00eb trilluara dhe me d\u00ebshmitar\u00eb t\u00eb prodhuar, q\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb prej tyre do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishin t\u00eb akuzuar nga drejt\u00ebsia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr autor\u00ebsi n\u00eb krime e gjenocid gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Lufta mund t\u00eb vler\u00ebsohet politikisht e historikisht. P\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia penale, nd\u00ebrkaq, duhet t\u00eb provohet individualisht. Pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e duhur iu drejtova n\u00eb dy forma me korespondenc\u00eb interne Dhomave t\u00eb Specializuara n\u00eb Hag\u00eb me deklarat\u00ebn time solemne p\u00ebr ofrimin e garancis\u00eb pasurore p\u00ebr Hashim Tha\u00e7in, Kadri Veselin, Rexhep Selimin dhe Jakup Krasniqin. K\u00ebt\u00eb akt q\u00eb nuk e kam publikuar deri sot, nuk e b\u00ebra p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndikuar n\u00eb procesin gjyq\u00ebsor dhe as p\u00ebr t\u00eb paragjykuar vendimin e trupit gjykues. E b\u00ebra p\u00ebr nj\u00eb arsye njer\u00ebzore, juridike dhe morale. Si avokat gjat\u00eb pun\u00ebs sime e praktikoj k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn p\u00ebr klient\u00ebt e mi n\u00eb rastet penale kur procesi gjyq\u00ebsor mund t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb duke e ndryshuar mas\u00ebn e siguris\u00eb nga institucioni i burgut, n\u00eb arrest sht\u00ebpiak apo me ndonj\u00eb mas\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb but\u00eb p\u00ebrmes formave bashk\u00ebkohore t\u00eb mekanizmave elektronik ku n\u00eb \u00e7do moment dihet vendndodhja e t\u00eb akuzuarit. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye ofrova vullnetarisht nj\u00eb vler\u00eb q\u00eb nuk e ka ofruar askush, as personalisht dhe as qeveria e Kosov\u00ebs, duke e deklaruar shum\u00ebn e asaj vlere deri n\u00eb 2 milion\u00eb euro nga pasuria ime si titullar i saj, n\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb dor\u00ebzanis\u00eb si garanci, deri n\u00eb vler\u00ebn q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb konsiderohej e pranueshme nga Gjykata, sepse besoj se liria nuk duhet t\u00eb kufizohet n\u00eb procese hetimore m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme. <\/p>\n
K\u00ebt\u00eb ma dedikoj njohja ime profesionale si avokat dhe ndjeshm\u00ebria ime nga p\u00ebrvoja jet\u00ebsore duke e njohur vet\u00eb pesh\u00ebn e burgimit. Un\u00eb kam p\u00ebrjetuar shum\u00eb privime t\u00eb padrejta nga liria q\u00eb nga kufijt\u00eb e mosh\u00ebs s\u00eb mituris\u00eb bashk\u00eb me tri d\u00ebnime t\u00eb padrejta. Prandaj e di se af\u00ebrsisht gjasht\u00eb vjet nuk jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb shif\u00ebr n\u00eb nj\u00eb dokument gjyq\u00ebsor. Jan\u00eb vite jete. Jan\u00eb vite ankthi t\u00eb familjes. Jan\u00eb vite t\u00eb humbura me p\u00ebrjetime q\u00eb nuk kthehen dhe nuk kan\u00eb ekuivalenc\u00eb kompensimi. Pik\u00ebrisht sepse e di k\u00ebt\u00eb, nuk kam k\u00ebrkuar nga Gjykata t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb kompromis me drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb. Kam k\u00ebrkuar q\u00eb t\u00eb shqyrtoj\u00eb mund\u00ebsit\u00eb ligjore p\u00ebr nj\u00eb mas\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb but\u00eb, sepse ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb pajtim me ligjin dhe me rrethanat e \u00e7\u00ebshtjes n\u00eb procesin e pritjes s\u00eb vendimit, kur ishin d\u00ebgjuar t\u00eb akuzuarit dhe d\u00ebshmitar\u00ebt. Nisma ime ishte personale. Nuk u konsultova me t\u00eb akuzuarit, me mbrojt\u00ebsit e tyre, me familjar\u00ebt e tyre apo me ndonj\u00eb subjekt politik. Ishte nj\u00eb akt solidariteti i nj\u00eb njeriu q\u00eb ka qen\u00eb bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor i t\u00eb kat\u00ebrve n\u00eb etapa t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb rrug\u00ebtimit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, nga p\u00ebrgatitjet p\u00ebr luft\u00eb q\u00eb nga ngjizja e saj e deri te nd\u00ebrtimi i institucioneve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Madje deri me k\u00ebt\u00eb rast nuk ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb dijeni askush p\u00ebrve\u00e7 administrates s\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Speciale s\u00eb cil\u00ebs ju kam drejtuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb elektronike dhe n\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb shkruar n\u00eb adres\u00ebn e saj zyrtare me pliko t\u00eb mbyllur dhe t\u00eb regjistruar n\u00eb form\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb sigurt t\u00eb d\u00ebrges\u00ebs. Kjo form\u00eb solidariteti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb paragjykim juridik. <\/p>\n
Mund t\u00eb jesh solidar me nj\u00eb njeri dhe nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht t\u00eb k\u00ebrkosh q\u00eb drejt\u00ebsia t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb pun\u00ebn e saj. K\u00ebshtu besoja edhe un\u00eb, ndryshimi i mas\u00ebs s\u00eb siguris\u00eb nuk pengonte aspak drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb. Mund t\u00eb besosh n\u00eb past\u00ebrtin\u00eb e luft\u00ebs \u00e7lirimtare dhe nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht t\u00eb pranosh se \u00e7do individ duhet t\u2019i p\u00ebrgjigjet ligjit n\u00ebse provat d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb se ka konsumuar vep\u00ebr penale. Dhe, po aq qart\u00eb, mund t\u00eb besosh se nj\u00eb njeri \u00ebsht\u00eb i pafajsh\u00ebm pa k\u00ebrkuar q\u00eb gjykata ta shpall\u00eb t\u00eb pafajsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr arsye politike. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht ajo q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb tani. Meqen\u00ebse provat kredibile nuk kan\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar faj\u00ebsin\u00eb e t\u00eb akuzuarve, rrjedhimisht aktgjykimi lirues nuk do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb favor p\u00ebr ta. Do t\u00eb ishte p\u00ebrmbushje e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb. Do t\u00eb ishte gjithashtu nj\u00eb moment i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr historin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs. Sepse Kosova nuk ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb mit t\u00eb ri. Nuk ka nevoj\u00eb as p\u00ebr nj\u00eb tragjedi t\u00eb re politike. Ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn. Dhe e v\u00ebrteta nuk mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohet mbi akuza t\u00eb paprovuara apo mbi skenar\u00eb apokaliptik\u00eb. Prandaj, ne t\u00eb protestojm\u00eb kund\u00ebr nj\u00eb gjykate pse ajo gjykon vet\u00ebm njer\u00ebzit tan\u00eb \u00e7lirimtar\u00eb, dhe nuk gjykon ata q\u00eb kryen masakra e gjenocid n\u00eb vendin ton\u00eb. Por meqen\u00ebse kjo procedur\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e pakthyeshme, at\u00ebher\u00eb duhet t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb q\u00eb ajo n\u00eb fjal\u00ebn p\u00ebrfundimtare t\u00eb gjykoj\u00eb me standardet m\u00eb t\u00eb larta t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb. Dhe, \u00c7lirimtar\u00ebt e akuzuar nuk jan\u00eb fajtor\u00eb, bashk\u00eb me ne t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb q\u00eb edhe drejt\u00ebsia ta thot\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb n\u00eb shpalljen e aktgjykimit. Kur t\u00eb konstatohet se nuk jan\u00eb fajtor\u00eb, drejt\u00ebsia do p\u00ebrfitoj\u00eb ithtar\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb brez dhe brezat q\u00eb vijn\u00eb duke e p\u00ebrmbledhur edhe m\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm si definicion juridik: vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb gjykim i bazuar n\u00eb prova mund ta ndaj\u00eb historin\u00eb nga propaganda dhe drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb nga politika. Por ekziston edhe nj\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb duhet ta pranojm\u00eb. Ndihma m\u00eb e madhe q\u00eb mund t\u2019u japim atyre q\u00eb sot p\u00ebrballen me drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb n\u00eb Hag\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrplasja me nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebt. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb retorika e viktimizimit. Por \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimi i nj\u00eb Kosove me institucione funksionale, demokratike, t\u00eb drejta dhe t\u00eb mir\u00ebqeverisur. N\u00ebse 16 shtatori do t\u00eb jet\u00eb momenti i s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs, at\u00ebher\u00eb le t\u00eb jet\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht kjo: jo dita kur politika fitoi mbi drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb, por dita kur drejt\u00ebsia foli mbi politik\u00ebn. Un\u00eb e kam mb\u00ebshtetur krijimin e k\u00ebsaj Gjykate kur besoja se ajo ishte rruga m\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjegjshme p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn. Sot, po me at\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi, them se ajo duhet ta p\u00ebrmbush\u00eb misionin e saj deri n\u00eb fund: Jo p\u00ebr t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbyer Beogradit; <\/p>\n
Jo p\u00ebr t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbyer Mosk\u00ebs;
\nJo p\u00ebr t\u00eb na sh\u00ebrbyer neve;
\nPor p\u00ebr t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbyer t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
Dhe n\u00ebse e v\u00ebrteta juridike \u00ebsht\u00eb administruar me kritere selektive t\u00eb parim\u00ebsis\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb drejt\u00ebsia e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebr kat\u00ebrshen e akuzuar p\u00ebrve\u00e7 pafaj\u00ebsis\u00eb. Kjo nuk do t\u00eb ishte fitore e nj\u00eb krahu politik. Do t\u00eb ishte fitore e nj\u00eb kauze shekullore. Gjithashtu do t\u00eb ishte fitore e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb. Dhe, mbi t\u00eb gjitha, do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb Kosova t\u00eb mbyllte nj\u00eb nga kapitujt m\u00eb t\u00eb dhimbsh\u00ebm t\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Shkruan: Halit Krasniqi Ka momente kur nj\u00eb njeri nuk mund t\u00eb flas\u00eb vet\u00ebm si politikan,…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":48167,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[10],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-48164","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-op-ed"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/48164","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=48164"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/48164\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":48168,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/48164\/revisions\/48168"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/48167"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=48164"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=48164"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/faktiditor.ch\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=48164"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}